Serbo-Croatian Phonology
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Serbo-Croatian Phonology

Serbo-Croatian is a South Slavic language with four national standards. The Eastern Herzegovinian Neo-Shtokavian dialect forms the basis for Bosnian, Croatian, Montenegrin, and Serbian (the four national standards).

Standard Serbo-Croatian has 35 phonemes including vowel length (30 according to traditional analysis which doesn't take vowel length into account): 25 consonants and 10 vowels (5 according to traditional analysis), and a pitch accent, whereas Montenegrin has two more consonants.


The consonant system of Serbo-Croatian has 25 phonemes. One peculiarity is a presence of both post-alveolar and palatal affricates, but a lack of corresponding palatal fricatives.[1] Unlike most other Slavic languages such as Russian, there is no palatalized versus non-palatalized (hard-soft) contrast for most consonants.

  • /m/ is labiodental before /f, ?/, as in tramvaj [traj],[2] whereas /n/ is velar before /k, ?/, as in stanka [stâ:?ka].[2]
  • /t, d, s, z, t?s/ are dental, whereas /n, l, r/ are alveolar.[3][4] /n, l/ become laminal denti-alveolar , before dental consonants.
  • /?/ is palato-alveolar .[5]
  • /v/ is a phonetic fricative, although it has less frication than /f/. However, it does not interact with unvoiced consonants in clusters as a fricative would, and so is considered to be phonologically a sonorant (approximant) .[1][6]
  • /t?s, f, x/ are voiced [d?z, v, ?] before voiced consonants.[7]
  • Glottal stop may be inserted between vowels across word boundary, as in i onda [iônda].[2]
  • Croatian[clarification needed] has more allophones:
    • /?, ?/ are retracted to [?, ?] before /t, d/.[2]
    • /x/ is retracted to when it is initial in a consonant cluster, as in hmelj [hmê?].[2]
    • /?/ is labiovelar before /u/, as in vuk [wû:k].[2]

/r/ can be syllabic, short or long, and carry rising or falling tone, e.g. k?v ('blood'), s?ce ('heart'), s?na ('deer'), m?losre ('compassion'). It is typically realized by inserting a preceding or (more rarely) succeeding non-phonemic vocalic glide.[8]

/l/ is generally velarized or "dark" .[9] Diachronically, it was fully vocalized into /o/ in coda positions, as in past participle *radil > radio ('worked').[10] In some dialects, notably Torlakian and Kajkavian that process did not take place, and /l/ can be syllabic as well. However, in the standard language, vocalic /l/ appears only in loanwords, as in the name for the Czech river Vltava for instance, or debakl, bicikl. Very rarely other sonorants are syllabic, such as // in the surname ?tarklj and /n?/ in njutn ('newton').

The retroflex[11][12] consonants /?, ?, t?, d?/ are, in more detailed phonetic studies, described as apical [, , t?, d?].[1] In most spoken Croatian idioms, as well as in some Bosnian, they are postalveolar (/?, ?, t, d/) instead, and there could be a complete or partial merger between /t?, d?/ and palatal affricates /t?, d?/.[13]

Alveolo-palatal fricatives [?, ?] are marginal phonemes, usually realized as consonant clusters [sj, zj]. However, the emerging Montenegrin standard has proposed two additional letters, Latin ⟨?⟩, ⟨?⟩ and Cyrillic ⟨⟩, ⟨⟩, for the phonemic sequences /sj, zj/, which may be realized phonetically as [?, ?].

Voicing contrasts are neutralized in consonant clusters, so that all obstruents are either voiced or voiceless depending on the voicing of the final consonant, though this process of voicing assimilation may be blocked by syllable boundaries.


Vowel space of Serbo-Croatian from Landau et al. (1999:67). The diphthong /ie/ occurs in some Croatian and Serbian dialects. Schwa [?] only occurs allophonically.

The Serbo-Croatian vowel system is symmetrically composed of five vowel qualities /a, e, i, o, u/.[1] Although the difference between long and short vowels is phonemic, it is not represented in standard orthography, as it is in Czech or Slovak orthography, except in dictionaries. Unstressed vowels are shorter than the stressed ones by 30% (in the case of short vowels) and 50% (in the case of long vowels).[2]

Front Central Back
short long short long short long
Close i i: u u:
Mid e e: o o:
Open a a:

The long Ijekavian reflex of Proto-Slavic jat is of disputed status. The prescriptive grammar Bari? et al. (1997) published by the foremost Croatian normative body--the Institute of Croatian Language and Linguistics, describes it as a diphthong,[14] but this norm has been heavily criticized by phoneticians as having no foundation in the spoken language, the alleged diphthong being called a "phantom phoneme".[15] Thus the reflex of long jat, which is spelled as a trigraph ⟨ije⟩ in standard Croatian, Bosnian and Ijekavian Serbian, represents the sequence /je:/.

Stressed vowels carry one of the two basic tones, rising and falling.

Pitch accent

New Shtokavian dialects (which form the basis of the standard language) allow two tones on stressed syllables and have distinctive vowel length and so distinguish four combinations, called pitch accent: short falling (?), short rising (è), long falling (?), and long rising (é).[16]

Most speakers from Serbia and Croatia do not distinguish between short rising and short falling tones. They also pronounce most unstressed long vowels as short, with some exceptions, such as genitive plural endings.[17]

The accent is relatively free because it can be on any syllable except the last one. (Note, however, that the word paradàjz ('tomato' nominative sg.) normally bears a short rising tone on the final syllable in the speech of educated speakers. Further exceptions to this prescriptive rule are found in words such as fabrikànt ('manufacturer' nominative sg.), asistènt ('assistant' nominative sg.), apsolvènt ('student who has fulfilled all requirements except an honours thesis' nominative sg.), trafikànt ('sales assistant at a newsstand' nominative sg.), etc.) This is relevant for Serbia, where educated speakers otherwise speak close to standard Serbian; this is less so in Croatia, where educated speakers often use a local Croatian variant which might have a quite different stress system. For example, even highly educated speakers in Zagreb will have no tones, and can have stress on any syllable.

Accent alternations are very frequent in inflectional paradigms, in both quality and placement in the word (the so-called "mobile paradigms", which were present in Proto-Indo-European itself and became much more widespread in Proto-Balto-Slavic). Different inflected forms of the same lexeme can exhibit all four accents: lònac /'l?nats/ ('pot' nominative sg.), lónca /'l?:ntsa/ (genitive singular), l?nci /'lô:ntsi/ (nominative plural), l?n?c? /'lôna:tsa:/ (genitive plural).

Research done by Pavle Ivi? and Ilse Lehiste has shown that all stressed syllables of Serbo-Croatian words are basically spoken with a high tone and that native speakers rely on the phonetic tone of the first post-tonic syllable to judge the pitch accent of any given word.[18][19] If the high tone of the stressed syllable is carried over to the first post-tonic syllable, the accent is perceived as rising. If it is not, the accent is perceived as falling, which is the reason monosyllabic words are always perceived as falling. Therefore, truly narrow phonetic transcriptions of lònac, lónca, l?nci and l?n?c? are ['lónáts, 'ló:ntsá, 'ló:ntsì, 'lónà?tsà?] or the equivalent ['lo?nats?, 'lo:n?tsa?, 'lo:n?tsi?, 'lo?natsa]. Ivi? and Lehiste were not the first scholars to notice this; in fact, Leonhard Masing made a very similar discovery decades earlier, but it was ignored due to him being a foreigner and because it contradicted the Vukovian approach, which was then already well-ingrained.[20]

Although distinctions of pitch occur only in stressed syllables, unstressed vowels maintain a length distinction. Pretonic syllables are always short, but posttonic syllables may be either short or long. These are traditionally counted as two additional accents. In the standard language, the six accents are realized as follows:

? ê short vowel with falling tone
? ê: long vowel with falling tone
è ? short vowel with rising tone
é ?: long vowel with rising tone
e e non-tonic short vowel
? e: non-tonic long vowel

Examples are short falling as in n?bo ('sky') /'nêbo/; long falling as in pîvo ('beer') /'pî:vo/; short rising as in màskara ('eye makeup') /'m?skara/; long rising as in ?okoláda ('chocolate') /toko'l?:da/. Unstressed long syllables can occur only after the accented syllable, as in d(j)èv?jka ('girl') /'d(?)?vo:jka/ or dòstavlj?nje ('delivering') /'d?stav?a:?e/. There can be more than one post-accent length in a word, notably in genitive plural of nouns: k?cka ('cubes') -> k?c?k? ('cubes''). Realization of the accents varies by region.

Restrictions on the distribution of the accent depend, beside the position of the syllable, also on its quality, as not every kind of accent can be manifested in every syllable.

  1. Falling tone generally occurs in monosyllabic words or the first syllable of a word[21] (p?s ('belt'), r?g ('horn'); b?ba ('old woman'), la ('river ship'); kica ('small house'), K?rlovac). The only exception to this rule are interjections, words uttered in the state of excitement (such as ah?, oh?)
  2. Rising tone generally occurs in any syllable of a word except the last one and so never occurs in monosyllabics[21] (vòda 'water', lúka 'harbour'; lìvada 'meadow', lúp?nje 'slamming'; siròta 'orphan', po?étak 'beginning'; crvotò?ina 'wormhole', oslobo?énje 'liberation').

Thus, monosyllabics generally have falling tone, and polysyllabics generally have falling or rising tone on the first syllable and rising in all the other syllables but the last one. The tonal opposition rising ~ falling is hence generally possible only in the first accented syllable of polysyllabic words, and the opposition by lengths, long ~ short, is possible in the accented syllable, as well as in the postaccented syllables (but not in a preaccented position).

Proclitics, clitics that latch on to a following word, on the other hand, may "steal" a falling tone (but not a rising tone) from the following monosyllabic or disyllabic word. The stolen accent is always short and may end up being either falling or rising on the proclitic. The phenomenon (accent shift to proclitic) is most frequent in the spoken idioms of Bosnia, as in Serbian it is more limited (normally with the negation proclitic ne) and it is almost absent from Croatian Neo-Shtokavian idioms.[6] Such a shift is less frequent for short rising accents than for the falling one (as seen in this example: /li:m/ -> /ne li:m/).

in isolation with proclitic Translation
Montenegrin Croatian Serbian Bosnian
rising /li:m/ 'I want' /neli:m/ 'I don't want'
/z?:ma/ 'winter' /uzî:mu/ /ûzi:mu/ 'in the winter'
/nemo:t?no:st/ 'inability' /unemo:t?nosti/ 'not being able to'
falling /vîdi:m/ 'I see' /nev?:dim/ (rising) /n?vidi:m/ 'I can't see'
/?râ:d/ 'city' /u?râ:d/ /û?ra:d/ 'to the city' (stays falling)
/?ûma/ 'forest' /u?ûmi/ /umi/ 'in the forest' (becomes rising)

Morphophonemic alternations

Serbo-Croatian exhibits a number of morphophonological alternations. Some of them are inherited from Proto-Slavic and are shared with other Slavic languages, and some of them are exclusive to Serbo-Croatian, representing later innovation.

Fleeting a

The so-called "fleeting a" (Serbo-Croatian: nepóstoj?n? a), or "movable a", refers to the phenomenon of short /a/ making apparently random appearance and loss in certain inflected forms of nouns. This is a result of different types of reflexes Common Slavic jers */?/ and */?/, which in ?tokavian and ?akavian dialects merged to one schwa-like sound, which was lost in a weak position and vocalized to */a/ in a strong position, giving rise to what is apparently unpredictable alternation. In most of the cases, this has led to such /a/ appearing in word forms ending in consonant clusters,[22] but not in forms with vowel ending.

The "fleeting a" is most common in the following cases:[22]

  • in nominative singular, accusative singular for inanimate nouns, and genitive plural for certain type of masculine nouns:
    bórac ('fighter' nom. sg.) - bórca (gen. sg.) - b?r?c? (gen. pl.)
    mòmak ('young man' nom. sg.) - mòmka (gen. sg.) - momák? (gen. pl.)
    stòlac ('chair' nom. sg.) - stólca (gen. sg.) - st?l?c? (gen. pl.)
  • in genitive plural forms of feminine nouns ending in a consonant cluster:
    dàska ('board') - dasák?, sèstra ('sister') - sestár?, bva ('barrel') - bv?
  • in nominative singular indefinite masculine forms of adjectives and pronouns:
    kràtak ('short') - kràtk?, kàk?v ('what kind of') - kàkvi, s?v ('entire') - sv?


The reflex of the Slavic first palatalization was retained in Serbo-Croatian as an alternation of

/k/ -> /t/
/?/ -> /?/
/x/ -> /?/

before /e/ in inflection, and before /j, i, e/ and some other segments in word formation.[23] This alternation is prominently featured in several characteristic cases:

  • in vocative singular of masculine nouns, where it is triggered by the ending -e:
    jùn?k ('hero') -> j?nevr?g ('devil') -> vreòrah ('walnut') -> òra?e. It is, however, not caused by the same ending -e in accusative plural: junáke, vr?ge,[24] òrahe.
  • in the present stem of certain verbs before the endings in -e:
    • pi ('to bake') - present stem pèk-; pèm ('I bake'), but pèk? ('they bake') without palatalization before the 3rd person plural ending -u
    • stri ('to shear') - present stem stríg-; strí?em ('I shear'), but stríg? ('they shear') without palatalization before the 3rd person plural ending -u
    • mi ('can - present stem') mog-; me? ('you can'), but mògu ('I can'), without the palatalization before the archaic 1st person singular ending -u
  • in aorist formation of some verbs:
    • ri ('to say') - rèkoh ('I said' aorist), as opposed to re (2nd/3rd person singular aorist)
    • sti ('to arrive') - st?goh ('I arrived' 1st person singular aorist), as opposed to ste (2nd/3rd person singular aorist)
  • in derivation of certain classes of nouns and verbs:
    • m?ka ('torment') -> miti ('to torment'); zr?k ('air') -> zrá?iti ('to air'),  tr?g ('trace') -> trá?iti ('to seek')
    • slúga ('servant') -> slú?iti ('to serve'),  nj?h ('the sense of smell') -> njiti ('to smell')
  • before the "fleeting a", and before the endings -an, -ji and several others:
    • d?h ('breath') -> dá?ak ('puff'), Kartága ('Carthage') -> Kartá?anin ('Carthaginian'), b?g ('god') -> bj? ('god's'), str?h ('fear') -> strá?an ('fearsome')
  • a few words exhibit palatalization in which /ts/ and /z/ palatalize before vowels /e/ and /i/, yielding /?/ and /?/. Such palatals have often been leveled out in various derived forms. For example:
    • str?c ('uncle') - stre ('uncle!') - strí?ev ('uncle's'), lòvac ('hunter') - l?v?e ('hunter!') - lóv?ev ('hunter's'), z?c ('hare') - ze ('hare!') - zevi ('hares'), ?lica ('street') - ?li?ica ('alley'), pt?ca ('bird') - ptica ('small bird') - pti?ùrina ('big ugly bird')
    • v?t?z ('knight') - v?te ('knight!'), kn?z ('prince') - kne ('prince!')

There are some exceptions to the process of palatalization. The conditions are:

  • before the diminutive suffix -ica
    • mka o ('cat') -> mkica ('kitten'), p(j)?ga ('freckle') -> p(j)?gica ('small freckle'), bùha ('flea') -> bùhica ('small flea')
  • before the possessive suffix -in in adjectives derived from hypocoristic nouns:
    • báka ('grandma') -> bák?n ('grandma's'), zéko ('bunny') -> zék?n ('bunny's'), máca ('kitten') -> mácin ('kitten's')

Doublets exist with adjectives derived with suffix -in from trisyllabic proper names:

  • Dànica -> Dàni?in : Dànicin, ?vica -> ?vi?in : ?vicin, Ànkica -> Ànki?in : Ànkicin


The output of the second and the third Slavic palatalization is in the Serbo-Croatian grammar tradition known as "sibilantization" (sibilarizácija/). It results in the following alternations before /i/:

/k/ -> /ts/
/?/ -> /z/
/x/ -> /s/

This alternation is prominently featured in several characteristic cases:

  • in the imperative forms of verbs with stem ending in /k/, /?/ and one verb in /x/:
    • pi ('to bake' present stem) pèk-; pèci ('bake!' 2nd person singular imperative)
    • stri ('to shear' present stem) stríg-; strízi ('shear!' 2nd person singular imperative)
    • vi ('to thresh' present stem) v?h-; v?si ('thresh!' 2nd person singular imperative)
  • in masculine nominative plurals with the ending -i:
    jùn?k ('hero') -> junáci
    krag ('jug') -> krazi
    pr?p?h ('draught [of air]') -> pr?p?si
  • in dative and locative singular of a-stem nouns (prevalently feminine):
    m?jka ('mother') -> m?jci
    nòga ('leg') -> nòzi
    snàha ('daughter-in-law') -> snàsi
  • in dative, locative and instrumental of masculine o-stems:
    jùn?k ('hero') -> junácima
    krag ('jug') -> krazima
  • in the formation of imperfective verbs to perfective verbs
    d?gnuti ('to lift') - d?zati ('to keep something lifting')
    uzdàhnuti ('to sigh') - ùzdisati ('to keep sighing') but first-person singular present: ùzdim ('I sigh')

In two cases there is an exception to sibilantization:

  • in nominative singular of masculine nouns:
    • in monosyllabic borrowings:
      B?sk ('Basque') ->B?ski, br?nh ('bronchus') ->br?nhi, ?rg -> ?rgi
    • in toponyms in plural form, usually from a region where Kajkavian dialect is spoken:
      hi ('Czechs'), N?v?ki ('Novaks')
    • some surnames that are not identical to some general noun of the standard language
      Srko -> Srki, Zelénko -> Zelénki
    • with nouns having 'fleeting a' in the ending -cak
      natucak -> natucki
  • in dative and locative case of feminine and masculine a-stems
    • in hypocorisms
      báka ('grandmother') ->báki, séka ('little sister') ->séki, bráco ('little brother') ->bráci, zéko ('bunny') ->zéki, stríko ('uncle [affectionate]') ->stríki
    • in words whose stem ends in a single consonant:
      d?ka ('blanket') ->d?ki, k?ka ('hook') ->k?ki, koléga ('colleague') ->kolégi, pj?ga ('freckle') ->pj?gi, z?liha ('supply') ->z?lihi
    • in names and surnames
      J?lka -> J?lki, L?ka -> L?ki, J?dr?nka -> J?dr?nki
    • in nouns ending in -cka, -?ka, -?ka, -ska, -tka, -zga:
      k?cka ('cube') ->k?cki, tka ('point') ->tki, prka ('sling') ->prki, plj?ska ('slap') ->plj?ski, p?tka ('duck' feminine) ->p?tki, màzga ('mule') ->màzgi
    • in some toponyms
      K?ka -> K?ki, Kartága ('Carthage') -> Kartági
    • in nouns ending in suffix -ka with stem-final sonorant:
      intelektù?lka ('an intellectual' feminine) ->intelektù?lki, kàjk?vka ('Kajkavian speaker' feminine) ->kàjk?vki, srednjò?k?lka ('high school girl') ->srednjò?k?lki

Doublets are allowed in the following cases:

  • nominative plural of some masculine borrowings:
    flamìngo -> flamìnzi : flamìngi
  • in nominative plural of surnames who are identical with some general masculine noun:
    B?g -> B?gi : B?zi, D?h -> D?hi : D?si
  • in nominative plural of masculine nouns with "fleeting a" and the ending -?ak, -?ak or -?ak
    má?ak ('cat' masculine) ->má?ki : má?ci, òple?ak ('ephod') ->òple?ki : òple?ci, ome?ak -> ome?ki : ome?ci
  • in dative and locative of some feminine foponyms with stem ending in a single consonant:
    Líka -> Líci : Líki
  • in dative and locative of some toponyms ending in -ska, -?ka:
    Àljaska ('Alaska') ->Àljaski : Àljasci, Gràdi?ka -> Gràdi?ki : Gràdi?ci
  • in dative and locative of some feminines ending in -ska, -tka, -vka:
    g?ska ('goose') ->g?ski : g?sci, b?tka ('battle') ->b?tki : b?(t)ci, tr?vka ('blade of grass') -> tr?vci : tr?vki



There are two types of consonant assimilation: by voicing (jedna?enje po zvu?nosti) and by place of articulation (jedna?enje po m(j)estu tvorbe).

Assimilation of voice

All consonants in clusters are neutralized by voicing, but Serbo-Croatian does not exhibit final-obstruent devoicing as most other Slavic languages do.[25] Assimilation is practically always regressive, i.e. voicing of the group is determined by voicing of the last consonant.[26] Sonorants are exempted from assimilation, so it affects only the following consonants:

  • /b/ /p/
    kobac ('hawk') ->kobca : kopca (nominative -> genitive, with fleeting a)
    top ('cannon') + d?ija -> topd?ija : tobd?ija ('cannonman')
  • /?/ /k/
    burek ('burek') + d?ija -> burekd?ija : buregd?ija ('burek-baker')
  • /d/ /t/
    pod- ('under-') + platiti ('pay') -> podplatiti : potplatiti ('to bribe')
  • /d/ /t/
    vra? ('sorcerer') + -bina -> vra?bina : vrad?bina ('witchcraft')
  • /?/ /?/
    te?ak ('heavy') ->te?ki : te?ki (singular -> plural, with fleeting a)
  • /z/ /s/
    uzak ('narrow') ->uzki : uski (singular -> plural, with fleeting a)
    s- ('off-') + baciti ('throw') ->sbaciti : zbaciti ('throw off')
  • /d/ /t/
    u?- ('learn-') + -benik -> u?benik : ud?benik ('textbook')

Furthermore, /f/, /x/ and /ts/ don't have voiced counterparts, so they trigger the assimilation, but are not affected by it.[26]

As can be seen from the examples above, assimilation is generally reflected in orthography. However, there are numerous orthographic exceptions, i.e. even if voicing or devoicing does take place in speech, the orthography does not record it, usually to maintain the etymology clearer.

Assimilation by place of articulation

Assimilation by place of articulation affects /s/ and /z/ in front of (post)alveolars /?/, /?/, /t/, /d/, /t?/, /d?/, as well as palatals /?/ and /?/, producing /?/ or /?/:[26]

  • /s/ -> /?/
    pas ('dog') + -?e -> pae ('small dog')
    list ('leaf') + -je -> list?e : lis?e : lie ('leaves')
    prositi ('to beg') + -nja -> prosnja : pro?nja ('begging')
    snositi ('to bear') + -ljiv -> snosljiv : sno?ljiv ('bearable')
  • /z/ -> /?/
    miraz ('dowry') + -d?ika -> mirazd?ika : mira?d?ika ('girl with dowry')
    grozd ('grape bunch') + -je -> groz?e : groe ('grapes')
    paziti ('to care') + -nja -> paznja : pa?nja ('care')
    paziti ('to care') + -ljiv -> pazljiv : pa?ljiv ('careful')

Simultaneously, assimilation by voicing is triggered if necessary.


A historical /l/ in coda position has become /o/ and is now so spelled, and produces an additional syllable. For example, the Serbo-Croatian name of Belgrade is Beograd. However, in Croatian, the process is partially reversed; compare Croatian stol, vol, sol vs. Serbian sto, vo, so ('table', 'ox' and 'salt').


The sample text is a reading of the first sentence of The North Wind and the Sun by a 57-year-old female announcer at the Croatian Television Network reading in a colloquial style.[4]

Phonemic transcription

/sjê?e:rni: l?denijêtar i sû:nt?se su se pr?pirali o sjoj sn?:zi/[27]

Phonetic transcription

[sjê?e?rni? deni? ?jêtar i sû:nt?se su se pr?pira?i o sjoj sn?:zi]

Orthographic version (Ijekavian)

Sjeverni ledeni vjetar i Sunce su se prepirali o svojoj snazi.[27]

See also


  1. ^ a b c d Morén (2005:5-6)
  2. ^ a b c d e f g Landau et al. (1999:68)
  3. ^ Kordi? (2006:5)
  4. ^ a b Landau et al. (1999:66)
  5. ^ Jazi? (1977:?), cited in Ladefoged & Maddieson (1996:188)
  6. ^ a b Wayles Brown & Theresa Alt (2004), A Handbook of Bosnian, Serbian and Croatian, SEELRC
  7. ^ Landau et al. (1999:67)
  8. ^ Trubetskoi, Nikolai S (1969), Principles of phonology. (Grundzüge der Phonologie), University of California Press, p. 59, ISBN 9780520015357
  9. ^ Gick et al. (2006:?)
  10. ^ Wyn Johnson; David Britain (2007), "L-vocalisation as a natural phenomenon: explorations in sociophonology" (PDF), Language Sciences (29): 304
  11. ^ Stevanovi?, Mihailo (1986). . Belgrade: Nau?na knjiga. p. 82. ? ? ? ? ? [...] ? ? ? ? , ? ? ?.
  12. ^ P. A. Keating (1991). "Coronal places of articulation". In C. Paradis; J.-F. Prunet (eds.). The Special Status of Coronals (PDF). Academic Press. p. 35.
  13. ^ ?avar (2011:1)
  14. ^ Bari? et al. (1997:49) "Prednji je i slo?eni samoglasnik, dvoglasnik (diftong) ie. Pri njegovu su izgovoru govorni organi najprije u polo?aju sli?nom kao pri izgovoru glasa i, a onda postupno prelaze u polo?aj za izgovor glasa e. U hrvatskom knji?evnom jeziku dvoglasnik je ie ravan diftong."
  15. ^ Kapovi? (2007:66) "Iako se odraz dugoga jata u kojem ijekavskom govoru mo?da i mo?e opisati kao dvoglas, on tu u standardu sasma sigurno nije. Taj tobo?nji dvoglas treba maknuti iz priru?nikâ standardnoga jezika jer nema nikakve koristi od uvo?enja fantomskih fonema bez ikakve podloge u standardnojezi?noj stvarnosti."
  16. ^ Kordi?, Snje?ana (1998). "Diletantski napisana gramatika: recenzija knjige Vinka Grubi?i?a, Croatian Grammar" [An amateurish grammar book: Review of the book Vinko Grubi?i?, Croatian Grammar] (PDF). Republika (in Serbo-Croatian). Zagreb. 54 (1-2): 254. ISSN 0350-1337. SSRN 3451649. CROSBI 446647. ZDB-ID 400820-0. Archived (PDF) from the original on 25 August 2012. Retrieved 2019. (CROLIB).
  17. ^ Alexander (2006:356)
  18. ^ Lehiste (1963)
  19. ^ Lehiste (1986)
  20. ^ Alexander (2006:354)
  21. ^ a b Kordi? (2006:8)
  22. ^ a b Kordi? (2006:7)
  23. ^ Browne (1993:312)
  24. ^ This is a stylistically marked form: the usual plural form of vr?g is with -ov- interfix: vr?govi; accusative plural: vr?gove, but the infix is inhibiting the environment conditioning the palatalization, so the short plural form was provided.
  25. ^ Kenstowicz, Abu-Mansour, and Törkenczy, Two notes on laryngeal licensing, MIT, p. 7CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  26. ^ a b c "Jedna?enje suglasnika po zvu?nosti". Pravopis hrvatskog jezika (in Serbo-Croatian).
  27. ^ a b Landau et al. (1999:69)


Further reading

  • "Fonetika hrvatskog knji?evnog jezika", Povijesni pregled, glasovi i oblici hrvatskog knji?evnog jezika, 1991

External links

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