|English||higher teaching, meta-teaching, about dharmas [phenomena]|
|Chinese||?(T) / ?(S) |
Vi Di?u Pháp
|Glossary of Buddhism|
Abhidharma (Sanskrit) or Abhidhamma (Pali) are ancient (3rd century BCE and later) Buddhist texts which contain detailed scholastic presentations of doctrinal material appearing in the Buddhist sutras. It also refers to the scholastic method itself as well as the field of knowledge that this method is said to study.
Bhikkhu Bodhi calls it "an abstract and highly technical systemization of the [Buddhist] doctrine," which is "simultaneously a philosophy, a psychology and an ethics, all integrated into the framework of a program for liberation." According to Peter Harvey, the Abhidharma method seeks "to avoid the inexactitudes of colloquial conventional language, as is sometimes found in the Suttas, and state everything in psycho-philosophically exact language." In this sense, it is an attempt to best express the Buddhist view of "ultimate reality" (paramartha-satya).
There are different types of Abhidharma literature. The early canonical Abhidharma works (like the Abhidhamma Pitaka) are not philosophical treatises, but mainly summaries and expositions of early doctrinal lists with their accompanying explanations. These texts developed out of early Buddhist lists or matrices (m?t?k?s) of key teachings.
Later post-canonical Abhidharma works were written as either large treatises (stra), as commentaries (ahakath?) or as smaller introductory manuals. They are more developed philosophical works which include many innovations and doctrines not found in the canonical Abhidharma.
The Belgian Indologist Etienne Lamotte described the Abhidharma as "Doctrine pure and simple, without the intervention of literary development or the presentation of individuals" Compared to the colloquial sutras, Abhidharma texts are much more technical, analytic and systematic in content and style. The Therav?din and Sarvastivadin Abhidharmikas generally considered the Abhidharma to be the pure and literal (nippariyaya) description of ultimate truth (paramattha sacca) and an expression of perfect spiritual wisdom, while the sutras were considered 'conventional' (sammuti) and figurative (pariyaya) teachings, given by the Buddha to specific people, at specific times, depending on specific worldly circumstances. They held that Abhidharma was taught by the Buddha to his most eminent disciples, and that therefore this justified the inclusion of Abhidharma texts into their scriptural canon.
According to Collett Cox, Abhidhamma started as a systematic elaboration of the teachings of the suttas, but later developed independent doctrines. The prominent Western scholar of Abhidharma, Erich Frauwallner has said that these Buddhist systems are "among the major achievements of the classical period of Indian philosophy."
Two interpretations of the term "Abhi-dharma" are common. According to Analayo, the initial meaning of Abhidharma in the earliest texts (such as the Mah?gosi?ga-sutta and its parallels) was simply a discussion concerning the Dharma, or talking about the Dharma. In this sense, abhi has the meaning of "about" or "concerning," and can also been in the parallel term abhivinaya (which just means discussions about the vinaya). The other interpretation, where abhi is interpreted as meaning "higher" or "superior" and thus Abhidharma means "higher teaching", seems to have been a later development.
Some in the West have considered the Abhidhamma to be the core of what is referred to as "Buddhism and psychology". Other writers on the topic such as Nyanaponika Thera and Dan Lusthaus describe Abhidhamma as a Buddhist phenomenology while Noa Ronkin and Kenneth Inada equate it with Process philosophy. Bhikkhu Bodhi writes that the system of the Abhidhamma Pitaka is "simultaneously a philosophy, a psychology and an ethics, all integrated into the framework of a program for liberation." According to L. S. Cousins, the suttas deal with sequences and processes, while the Abhidhamma describes occasions and events.
Modern scholars generally believe that the canonical Abhidharma texts emerged after the time of the Buddha, in around the 3rd century BCE. Therefore, the canonical Abhidharma works are generally claimed by scholars not to represent the words of the Buddha himself, but those of later Buddhists. Peter Skilling describes the Abhidharma literature as "the end-product of several centuries of intellectual endeavor."
The various Vinaya accounts of the compilation of the Buddhist canon after the death of the Buddha offer various sometimes conflicting narratives regarding the canonical status of Abhidharma. While the Mah?sghika Vinaya does not speak of an Abhidharma apart from the Sutra Pitaka and the Vinaya Pitaka, the Mahsaka, Therav?da, Dharmaguptaka and Sarv?stiv?da Vinayas all provide different accounts which mention that there was some kind of Abhidharma to be learned aside from the Sutras and Vinaya. According to Analayo, "the M?lasarv?stiv?da Vinaya does not explicitly mention the Abhidharma, although it reports that on this occasion Mah?kyapa recited the m?t?k?(s)." Analayo thinks that this reflects an early stage, when what later became Abhidharma was called the m?t?k?s. The term appears in some sutras, such as the Mah?gop?laka-sutta (and its parallel) which says that a learned monk is one who knows the Dharma, Vinaya and the m?t?k?s.
Various scholars such as André Migot, Edward J. Thomas, Erich Frauwallner, Rupert Gethin, and Johannes Bronkhorst have argued that the Abhidharma was based on early and ancient lists of doctrinal terms which are called m?tik?s (Sanskrit: m?t?k?). Migot points to the mention of a "M?t?k? Pitaka" in the Cullavagga as the precursor to the canonical Abhidharma. Migot argues that this M?t?k? Pitaka, said to have been recited by Mahakasyapa at the First Council according to the Ashokavadana, likely began as a condensed version of Buddhist doctrine that was expanded over time. Thomas and Frauwallner both argue that while the Abhidharma works of the different schools were compiled separately and have major differences, they are based on an "ancient core" of common material. Rupert Gethin also writes that the m?tik?s are from an earlier date than the Abhidhamma books themselves.
According to Frauwallner:
The oldest Buddhist tradition has no Abhidharmapitaka but only m?t?k?. What this means is that besides the small number of fundamental doctrinal statements, the Buddha's sermons also contain a quantity of doctrinal concepts. The most suitable form for collecting and preserving these concepts would have been com-prehensive lists. Lists of this kind were called m?t?k?, and it was from these lists that the Abhidharma later developed.
The extensive use of m?t?k? can be found in some early Buddhist texts, including the Sa?g?ti Sutta and Dasuttara Sutta of the D?gha Nik?ya (as well as the Sa?g?ti S?tra and Da?ottara S?tra of the D?rgha ?gama). Similar lists of numerically arranged doctrinal terms can be found in AN 10.27 and AN 10.28. Tse fu Kuan also argues that certain sutras of the A?guttara Nik?ya (AN 3.25, AN 4.87-90, AN 9.42-51) depicts an Abhidhamma style method.
Another sutra which contains a similar list that acts as a doctrinal summary is the Madhyama-?gama "Discourse on Explaining the Spheres" (M? 86) which includes a list of thirty one topics to be taught to newly ordained monastics. The last sutra of the Madhyama-?gama, M? 222, is contains a similar doctrinal summary listing, which combines three lists into one: a list of eight activities, a list of ten mental qualities and practices, and the twelve links of dependent arising. These two do not have any parallels in Pali.
According to Bhikhu Analayo, another important doctrinal list which appears in the early texts is the "thirty seven qualities that are conducive to awakening" (bodhip?k?ik? dharm). This m?t?k? appears in various sutras, like the P?s?dika-sutta, the S?mag?ma-sutta (and their parallels) and in the Mah?parinirva-s?tra, where it is said to have been taught by the Buddha just before passing way.
Analayo notes that these various lists served a useful purpose in early Buddhism since they served as aids for the memorization and teaching of the doctrine. The use of lists can similarly be seen in Jain literature. The fact that these lists were seen by the early Buddhists as a way to preserve and memorize the doctrine can be seen in the Sa?g?ti S?tra and its various parallels, which mention how the Jain community became divided over matters of doctrine after the death of their leader. The sutta depicts riputra as reciting a list of doctrinal terms and stating that the community will remain "united, unanimous, and in unison we will not dispute" regarding the teaching and also states they will recite together the doctrine. The close connection between the Sa?g?ti S?tra and Abhidharma can be seen in the fact that it became the basis for one of the canonical Abhidharma texts of the Sarv?stiv?da school, the Sa?g?tipary?ya, which is effectively a commentary on the sutra.
Frauwallner notes that basic fundamental concepts such as the 12 ?yatan?ni, the 18 dhat?vah and the 5 skandh?h often occur as a group in the early Buddhist texts. He also points out another such list that occurs in various texts "comprises several groups of elements of import for entanglement in the cycle of existence" and was modeled on the Oghavagga of the Samyuttanikaya. These lists were intended as a basic way of explaining the Buddhist doctrine, and are likely to have been accompanied by oral explanations, which continued to develop and expand and were later written down.
Another related early method is called the "attribute m?t?k?" and refers to lists of terms divided by a dyad or triad of attributes. For example, terms could be grouped into those things that are r?pa (form, physical) or ar?pa (formless), sa?sk?tam (constructed) or asa?sk?tam, and the triad of ku?alam (wholesome), aku?alam (unwholesome) or avy?k?tam (indetermined). An early form of this method can be found in the Dasuttara Sutta.
The explanations of the various elements in these lists also dealt with how these elements were connected (samprayogah) with each other. Over time, the need arose for an overarching way to classify all these terms and doctrinal elements, and the first such framework was to subsume or include (samgraha) all main terms into the schema of the 12 ?yatan?ni, the 18 dhat?vah and the 5 skandh?h.
Over time, the initial scholastic method of listing and categorizing terms was expanded in order to provide a complete and comprehensive systematization of the doctrine. According to Analayo, the beginning of Abhidharma proper was inspired by the desire "to be as comprehensive as possible, to supplement the directives given in the early discourses for progress on the path with a full picture of all aspects of the path in an attempt to provide a complete map of everything in some way related to the path."
As Frauwallner explains, due to this scholastic impulse, lists grew in size, different m?t?k?s were combined with each other to produce new ones, and new concepts and schemas were introduced, such as the differentiation of cittas and caitasik?s and new ways of connecting or relating the various elements with each other.
According to Analayo, these various lists were also not presented alone, but included some kind of commentary and explanation which was also part of the oral tradition. Sometimes this commentary included quotations from other sutras, and traces of this can be found in the canonical Abhidharma texts. As time passed, these commentaries and their accompanying lists became inseparable from each other, and the commentaries gained canonical status. Thus, according to Analayo:
just as the combination of the pr?timok?a with its commentary was central for the development of the Vinaya, so too the combination of m?t?k?s with a commentary was instrumental in the development of the Abhidharma. Thus the use of a m?t?k? together with its exegesis is a characteristic common to the Abhidharma and the Vinaya, whose expositions often take the form of a commentary on a summary list.
Therefore, the different Buddhist Abhidharma texts were developed over time as Buddhists expanded their analytical methods in different ways. Since this happened in different communities located in different places, they developed in separate doctrinal directions. This divergence was perhaps enhanced by the various schisms in the Buddhist community and also by geographic distance. According to Frauwallner, the period of the development of the canonical Abhidharma works is between 250 to 50 BCE. By the time the different canons began to be written down, the Abhidharma texts of the different schools were substantially different, as can be seen in how different the Therav?da and the Sarv?stiv?din canonical Abhidharma texts are. These differences are much more pronounced than among the other canonical collections (Sutras, Agamas and Vinaya). As such, the Abhidharma collections of the various schools are much more unique to each sect. The various Abhidhammic traditions grew to have very fundamental philosophical disagreements with each other (such as on the status of the person, or temporal eternalism). Thus, according to Frauwallner, the different Abhidharma canons contained collections of doctrines which were sometimes unrelated to each other and sometimes contradictory.
These various Abhidhammic theories were (together with differences in Vinaya) some of the various causes for the splits in the monastic Sangha, which resulted in the fragmented early Buddhist landscape of the Early Buddhist Schools. However these differences did not mean the existence of totally independent sects, as noted by Rupert Gethin, "at least some of the schools mentioned by later Buddhist tradition are likely to have been informal schools of thought in the manner of 'Cartesians,' 'British Empiricists,' or 'Kantians' for the history of modern philosophy." By the 7th-century, Chinese pilgrim Xuanzang could reportedly collect Abhidharma texts from seven different traditions.
These various Abhidharma works were not accepted by all Indian Buddhist schools as canonical, for example, the Mahasanghika school seems not to have accepted them as part of the canon. Another school included most of the Khuddaka Nikaya within the Abhidhamma Pitaka.
After the closing of the various Buddhist canons, Abhidharma texts continued to be composed, but now they were either commentaries on the canonical texts (like the Pali Ahakath?s and the Mah?vibha), or independent treatises ('stra') in their own right. In these post-canonical texts, further doctrinal developments and innovations can be found. As Noa Ronkin writes, "post-canonical Abhidharma texts became complex philosophical treatises employing sophisticated methods of argumentation and independent investigations that resulted in doctrinal conclusions quite far removed from their canonical antecedents." As Frauwallner writes, these later works were attempts to build truly complete philosophical systems out of the various canonical Abhidharma texts.
Some of these texts surpassed the canonical Abhidharma in influence and popularity, becoming the orthodox summas of their particular schools' Abhidharma. Two exegetical texts, both from the 5th century, stand above the rest as the most influential. The work of Buddhaghosa (5th century CE), particularly the Visuddhimagga, remains the main reference work of the Therav?da school, while the Abhidharmako?a (4-5th century CE) of Vasubandhu remains the primary source for Abhidharma studies in both Indo-Tibetan Buddhism and East Asian Buddhism.
In the modern era, only the Abhidharmas of the Sarv?stiv?dins and the Therav?dins have survived as complete collections, each consisting of seven books with accompanying commentarial literature. A small number of other Abhidharma texts are preserved in the Chinese canon and also in Sanskrit fragments, such as the riputra Abhidharma stra of the Dharmaguptaka school and various texts from the Pudgalavada tradition. These different traditions have some similarities, suggesting either interaction between groups or some common ground antedating the separation of the schools.
In the Therav?da tradition it was held that the Abhidhamma was not a later addition, but rather was taught in the fourth week of Gautama Buddha's enlightenment. The Theravada tradition is unique in regarding its Abhidharma as having been taught in its complete form by the Buddha as a single teaching, with the exception of the Kathavatthu, which contains material relating to later disputes and was held to only have been presented as an outline.
According to their tradition, devas built a beautiful jeweled residence for the Buddha to the north-east of the bodhi tree, where he meditated and delivered the Abhidharma teachings to gathered deities in the Tr?yastria heave, including his deceased mother M?y?. The tradition holds that the Buddha gave daily summaries of the teachings given in the heavenly realm to the bhikkhu Sariputta, who passed them on.
The Sarv?stiv?da-Vaibhika held that the Buddha and his disciples taught the Abhidharma, but that it was scattered throughout the canon. Only after his death was the Abhidharma compiled systematically by his elder disciples and was recited by Ananda at the first Buddhist council.
The Sautr?ntika school ('those who rely on the sutras') rejected the status of the Abhidharma as being Buddhavacana (word of the Buddha), they held it was the work of different monks after his death, and that this was the reason different Abhidharma schools varied widely in their doctrines. However, this school still studied and debated on Abhidharma concepts and thus did not seek to question the method of the Abhidharma in its entirety. Indeed, there were numerous Abhidharma texts written from an Abhidharma perspective. According to K.L. Dhammajoti, the commentator Ya?omitra even states that "the Sautrantikas can be said to have an abhidharma collection, i.e., as texts that are declared to be varieties of sutra in which the characteristics of factors are described."
The Abhidharma texts' field of inquiry extends to the entire Buddhadharma, since their goal was to outline, systematize and analyze all of the teachings. Abhidharmic thought also extends beyond the sutras to cover new philosophical and psychological ground which is only implicit in sutras or not present at all. There are certain doctrines which were developed or even invented by the Abhidharmikas and these became grounds for the debates among the different Early Buddhist schools.
The "base upon which the entire [Abhidhamma] system rests" is the 'dhamma theory' and this theory 'penetrated all the early schools'. For the Abhidharmikas, the ultimate components of existence, the elementary constituents of experience were called dhammas (Pali: dhammas). This concept has been variously translated as "factors" (Collett Cox), "psychic characteristics" (Bronkhorst), "phenomena" (Nyanaponika) and "psycho-physical events" (Ronkin).
The early Buddhist scriptures give various lists of the constituents of the person such as the five skandhas, the six or 18 dhatus, and the twelve sense bases. In Abhidhamma literature, these lists of dhammas systematically arranged and they were seen as the ultimate entities or momentary events which make up the fabric of people's experience of reality. The idea was to create an exhaustive list of all possible phenomena that make up the world.
The conventional reality of substantial objects and persons is merely a conceptual construct imputed by the mind on a flux of dhammas. However, dhammas are never seen as individually separate entities, but are always dependently conditioned by other dhammas in a stream of momentary constellations of dhammas, constantly coming into being and vanishing, always in flux. Perception and thinking is then seen as a combination of various dhammas. Cittas (awareness events) are never experienced on their own, but are always intentional and hence accompanied by various mental factors (cetasikas), in a constantly flowing stream of experience occurrences.
Human experience is thus explained by a series of dynamic processes and their patterns of relationships with each other. Buddhist Abhidhamma philosophers then sought to explain all experience by creating lists and matrices (matikas) of these dhammas, which varied by school. The four categories of dhammas in the Theravada Abhidhamma are:
The Sarvastivada Abhidharma also used these, along with a fifth category: "factors dissociated from thought" (cittaviprayuktasa?sk?ra). The Sarvastivadas also included three dharmas in the fourth "unconditioned" category instead of just one, the dharma of space and two states of cessation.
The Abhidharma project was thus to provide a completely exhaustive account of every possible type of conscious experience in terms of its constituent factors and their relations. The Theravada tradition holds that there were 82 types of possible dhammas - 82 types of occurrences in the experiential world, while the general Sarvastivada tradition eventually enumerated 75 dharma types.
For the Abhidharmikas, truth was twofold and there are two ways of looking at reality. One way is the way of everyday experience and of normal worldly persons. This is the category of the nominal and the conceptual (paññatti), and is termed the conventional truth (sa?v?ti-satya). However, the way of the Abhidharma, and hence the way of enlightened persons like the Buddha, who have developed the true insight (vipassana), sees reality as the constant stream of collections of dharmas, and this way of seeing the world is ultimate truth (param?rtha-satya).
As the Indian Buddhist Vasubandhu writes: "Anything the idea of which does not occur upon division or upon mental analysis, such as an object like a pot, that is a 'conceptual fiction'. The ultimately real is otherwise." For Vasubandhu then, something is not the ultimately real if it 'disappears under analysis', but is merely conventional.
The ultimate goal of the Abhidharma is Nirvana and hence the Abhidharmikas systematized dhammas into those which are skillful (kusala), purify the mind and lead to liberation, and those which are unskillful and do not. The Abhidharma then has a soteriological purpose, first and foremost and its goal is to support Buddhist practice and meditation. By carefully watching the coming and going of dhammas, and being able to identify which ones are wholesome and to be cultivated, and which ones are unwholesome and to be abandoned, the Buddhist meditator makes use of the Abhidharma as a schema to liberate his mind and realize that all experiences are impermanent, not-self, unsatisfactory and therefore not to be clung to.
The Abhidharmikas often used the term svabh?va (Pali: sabh?va) to explain the causal workings of dharmas. This term was used in different ways by the different Buddhist schools. This term does not appear in the sutras. The Abhidharmako?abhya states: "dharma means 'upholding,' [namely], upholding intrinsic nature (svabh?va)" while the Therav?din commentaries holds that: "dhammas are so called because they bear their intrinsic natures, or because they are borne by causal conditions." Dharmas were also said to be distinct from each other by their intrinsic/unique characteristics (svalaksana). The examination of these characteristics was held to be extremely important, the Sarvastivada Mahavibhasa states "Abhidharma is [precisely] the analysis of the svalaksana and samanya-laksana of dharmas".
According to Peter Harvey, the Theravadin view of dharmas was that "'They are dhammas because they uphold their own nature [sabhaava]. They are dhammas because they are upheld by conditions or they are upheld according to their own nature' (Asl.39). Here 'own-nature' would mean characteristic nature, which is not something inherent in a dhamma as a separate ultimate reality, but arise due to the supporting conditions both of other dhammas and previous occurrences of that dhamma."
The Visuddhimagga of Buddhaghosa, the most influential classical Theravada treatise, states that not-self does not become apparent because it is concealed by "compactness" when one does not give attention to the various elements which make up the person. The Paramatthamañjusa Visuddhimaggatika of Acariya Dhammapala, a later Theravada commentary on the Visuddhimagga, refers to the fact that we often assume unity and compactness in phenomena and functions which are instead made up of various elements, but when one sees that these are merely empty dhammas, one can understand the not-self characteristic:
"when they are seen after resolving them by means of knowledge into these elements, they disintegrate like froth subjected to compression by the hand. They are mere states (dhamma) occurring due to conditions and void. In this way the characteristic of not-self becomes more evident."
The Sarvastivadins saw dharmas as the ultimately 'real entities' (sad-dravya), though they also held that dharmas were dependently originated. For the Sarvastivadins, a synonym for svabhava is avayaya (a 'part'), the smallest possible unit which cannot be analyzed into smaller parts and hence it is ultimately real as opposed to only conventionally real (such as a chariot or a person). However, the Sarvastivadins did not hold that dharmas were completely independent of each other, as the Mahavibhasa states: "conditioned dharmas are weak in their intrinsic nature, they can accomplish their activities only through mutual dependence" and "they have no sovereignty (aisvarya). They are dependent on others."
Svabhava in the early Abhidhamma texts was then not a term which meant ontological independence, metaphysical essence or underlying substance, but simply referred to their characteristics, which are dependent on other conditions and qualities. According to Ronkin: "In the early Sarv?stiv?da exegetical texts, then, svabh?va is used as an atemporal, invariable criterion determining what a dharma is, not necessarily that a dharma exists. The concern here is primarily with what makes categorial types of dharma unique, rather than with the ontological status of dharmas." However, in the later Sarvastivada texts, like the Mahavibhasa, the term svabhava began to be defined more ontologically as the really existing "intrinsic nature" specifying individual dharmas.
The Sautrantika school accepted the doctrine of svabh?va as referring to the distinctive or main characteristic of a dharma, but rejected the view that they exist in all three times . The Buddhist philosopher Dharmakirti uses the concept of svabh?va, though he interprets it as being based on causal powers. For Dharmakirti, the essential nature (or 'nature-svabh?va') is:
"The arising of an effect that is inferred by way of a causal complex is characterized as a svabh?va of that causal complex, because [the capacity for] the effect's production does not depend on anything else." 
Other early Buddhist schools did not accept the svabhava concept, instead positing a kind of nominalism or conceptualism (prajñaptivada). This view was widespread among the Mahasamghika Nikaya. One school was even called "Prajñaptivada" because of their denial of the ultimate reality of all dharmas and their view that all dharmas are characterized by prajñapti (provisional designation or fictitious construction). Another school called the Vainasikas also held that all dharmas were without svabhava. According to Param?rtha (499-569), another school, the Ekavyavah?rikas held "that both the mundane and the supramundane factors [dharmas] are merely nominal (prajñapti). They therefore claimed that all factors have no real essence, and that hence the same name applies to all [dharmas]." This helps to explain their name as "Ekavyavah?rika" (those who propound the single meaning). Param?rtha also notes that the Lokottarav?da school held "that the mundane factors have arisen from perversion (vipary?sa) and are only nominal (prajñapti)." However, in contrast to the other schools, they also held that the supramundane dharmas (nirvana etc) were not nominal but real.
This view that dharmas are empty or void is also found in the Lok?nuvartana-s?tra ('The Sutra of Conformity with the World', Taisho No.807) which survives in Chinese and Tibetan translation, and may have been a scripture of the Purvasailas, which was a sub-school of the Mahasamghika.
Another important project for the Abhidharmikas was to outline a theory of causality, especially of how momentary dharmas relate to each other through causes and conditions.
The Sarvastivadin analysis focused on six causes (hetu), four conditions (pratyaya) and five effects (phala). According to K.L. Dhammajoti, for the Sarvastivada school, 'causal efficacy is the central criterion for the reality/existence (astitva) of a dharma' and hence they were also sometimes called the 'Hetuvada' school. A dharma is real because it is a cause and it has effects, if it had no causal efficacy, it would not exist. The six causes outlined by the Sarvastivada are:
The Sarvastivada Vibhasa-sastrins accepted only static dependent origination
The last book of the Pali Abhidhamma, the Patthana, sets out the main Theravada theory on conditioned relations and causality. The Patthana is an exhaustive examination of the conditioned nature (Paticcasamupada) of all dhammas. The introduction begins with a detailed list of 24 specific types of conditioned relationships (paccaya) that may pertain between different factors. The majority of these conditions have counterparts in the Sarv?stiv?da Abhidharma. The Pali Abhidhammatthasangaha reduces them all to four main types.
The Sautr?ntika school used a theory of 'seeds' (b?ja) in the mental continuum to explain causal interaction between past and present dharmas, this theory was later developed by the Yogacara school in their theory of "storehouse consciousness" (?layavijñ?na).
A prominent argument between the Abhidharmikas was on the Philosophy of time. The Sarv?stiv?din tradition held the view (expressed in the Vijñanakaya) that dharmas exist in all three times - past, present, future; hence the name of their school means "theory of all exists". The Sautr?ntika, Vibhajyav?da and Theravada schools argued against this eternalist view in favor of presentism (only the present moment exists). This argument was so central, that north Indian Buddhist schools were often named according to their philosophical position. According to Vasubandhu:
"Those who hold 'all exists' -- the past, the present and the future -- belong to the Sarv?stiv?da. Those, on the other hand, who hold that some exist, viz., the present and the past karma that has not given fruit but not those that have given fruit or the future, are followers of the Vibhajyaväda."
Vasubandhu initially wrote in favor of Sarv?stiv?da, and later critiqued this position. The Sarv?stiv?da-Vaibhika also held an atomistic conception of time which divided time into discrete indivisible moments (k?a?a) and saw all events as lasting only for a minute instant (and yet also existing in all three times).
Theravadins also held a theory of momentariness (Khav?da), but it was less ontological than Sarv?stiv?da and more focused on the psychological aspects of time. The Theravada divided every dhamma into three different instants of origination (upp?dakkha?a), endurance (?hitikkha?a) and cessation (bha?gakkha?a). They also held that only mental events were momentary, material events could endure for longer.
A key problem which the Abhidharmikas wished to tackle was the question of how rebirth and karma works if there is no self to be reborn apart from the five aggregates. The Patthana includes the earliest Pali canonical reference to an important answer to this question: bhavanga, or 'life-continuum'. Bhavanga, literally, "the limb on which existence occurs" is 'that substratum which maintains the continuity of the individual throughout that life.' The Sarvastivadins had a similar term, nikayasabhagata. This concept is similar to the Yogacara doctrine of the storehouse consciousness (alayavijnana), which was later associated with the Buddha nature doctrine.
This problem was also taken up by a group of Buddhist schools termed the Pudgalavadins or "Personalists" which included the V?ts?putr?ya, the Dharmottar?ya, the Bhadray?n?ya, the Sammitiya and the Shannagarika. These schools posited the existence of a 'person' (pudgala) or self, which had a real existence that was not reducible to streams and collections of dharmas. They also often used other terms to refer to this real 'self', such as 'Atman' and 'Jiva' which are words for the immortal soul in Hinduism and Jainism respectively. They seemed to have held that the 'self' was part of a fifth category of existence, the "inexpressible". This was a radically different view than the not-self view held by the mainstream Buddhist schools and this theory was a major point of controversy and was thoroughly attacked by other Buddhist schools such as the Theravadins, Sarvastivadins and later Mahayanists.
The Sarvastivadin Abhidharmikas also developed the novel idea of an intermediate state between death and the next rebirth. The Purvasaila, Sammitiya, Vatsiputriya, and later Mahisasaka schools accepted this view, while the Theravadins, Vibhajyavada, Mahasanghika, and the Sariputrabhidharmasastra of the Dharmaguptakas rejected it.
Some Abhidharmikas such as the Sarvastivadins also defended an atomic theory. However unlike the Hindu Vaisheshika school, Abhidharmic atoms (paramannu) are not permanent, but momentary. The Vaibhasika held that an atom is the smallest analyzable unit of matter (rupa), hence it is a 'conceptual atom' (prajnapti-paramanu), though this also corresponds to a real existing thing. The Mahabhivasa states:
"An atom (paramänu) is the smallest rüpa. It cannot be cut, broken, penetrated; it cannot be taken up, abandoned, ridden on, stepped on, struck or dragged. It is neither long nor short, square nor round, regular nor irregular, convex nor concave. It has no smaller parts; it cannot be decomposed, cannot be seen, heard, smelled, touched. It is thus that the paramänu is said to be the finest (sarva-süksma) of all rüpas."
The Abhidhamma Pi?aka is the third pitaka, or basket, of the Tipitaka (Sanskrit: Tripi?aka), the canon of the Therav?da school. It consists of seven sections or books. There are also three Abhidhamma type texts which are found in the Khuddaka Nik?ya ('Minor Collection'): Pa?isambhid?magga, Nettipakara?a and the Pe?akopadesa.
The Abhidhamma Pi?aka, like the rest of the Therav?da Tipi?aka, was orally transmitted until the 1st century BCE. Due to famines and constant wars, the monks responsible for recording the oral tradition felt that there was a risk of portions of the canon being lost so the Abhidhamma was written down for the first time along with the rest of the P?li Canon in the first century BCE. The books of the Abhidhamma Pi?aka were translated into English in the 20th century and published by the P?li Text Society.
In addition to the canonical Abhidharma, Pali literature includes a variety of Abhidhamma commentaries and introductory manuals written after the compilation of the Abhidhamma Pi?aka. These post-canonical texts attempted to expand and further clarify the analysis presented in the Abhidhamma.
The most influential of these commentaries are those of Buddhaghosa (c. 5th century) a South Indian exegete and philosopher who moved to Sri Lanka and wrote various commentaries and treatises in Pali. His Visuddhimagga ("Path of Purification") is a comprehensive manual of Buddhist practice that also contains an overview of the Abhidhamma. This text remains one of the most popular Abhidhamma influenced texts in Theravada.
Sri Lankan Therav?dins also composed shorter introductory manuals to the Abhidhamma. The most popular and widely used of these remains the Abhidhammatthasangaha (Compendium of the Topics of the Abhidharma) by Anuruddha (circa 8th to 12th century). A further period of medieval Sri Lankan scholarship also produced a series of texts called the sub-commentaries (which are commentaries to the commentaries).
Abhidhamma remains a living tradition in Therav?da nations today and modern Abhidhamma works continue to be written in modern languages such as Burmese and Sinhala. Abhidhamma studies are particularly stressed in Myanmar, where it has been the primary subject of study since around the 17th century. One of the most important figures in modern Myanmar Buddhism, Ledi Sayadaw (1846-1923), was well known for his writings on Abhidhamma (especially his commentary on the Abhidhammatthasangaha, called the Paramatthadipanitika).
The most influential Indian Abhidharma tradition was that of the Sarv?stiv?da Vaibhika school, which was dominant in North India, especially Kashmir and also in Bactria and Gandhara. This is the Abhidharma tradition that is studied in East Asian Buddhism and also in Tibetan Buddhism.
Like the Theravada Abhidharma, the Sarv?stiv?da Abhidharma Pitaka also consists of seven texts, but they are quite different works, unlike the Sarv?stiv?da Agamas, which are very close, often identical, to the suttas of the Theravada Sutta Pitaka. According to Frauwallner however, the two Abhidharma collections share an "ancient core", which is basically an early doctrinal list of dharmas. The core canonical work of this school, the Jñ?naprasth?na ('Foundation of Knowledge'), also known as Aaskandha or Aagrantha, was said to be composed by master K?ty?yan?putra. This became the basis for the Abhidharma Mah?vibha stra ("Great Commentary"), an encyclopedic work which became the central text of the Vaibhika tradition who became the Kasmiri Sarv?stiv?da Orthodoxy under the patronage of the Kushan empire.
Despite numerous variations and doctrinal disagreements within the tradition, most Sarv?stiv?da-Vaibhikas were united in their acceptance of the doctrine of "sarv?stitva" (all exists), which says that all phenomena in the three times (past, present and future) can be said to exist. Another defining Vaibhika doctrine was that of simultaneous causation (sahabh?-hetu).
In addition to the core Vaibhika Abhidharma literature, a variety of expository texts or treatises were written to serve as overviews and introductions to the Abhidharma. The oldest one of these was the Abhidharma-h?daya-sastra (The Heart of Abhidharma), by the Tocharian Dharmasresthin, (c. 1st. century B.C.). This text became the model for most of the later treatises.
The most influential of these treatises however, is certainly the Abhidharmako?abh?sya (Treasury of Higher Knowledge, 5th century), a series of verses and accompanying commentary by Vasubandhu. It often critiques Vaibhika views from a Sautrantika perspective. The Sautrantikas were a dissent group within the Sarv?stiv?da tradition that rejected many of the core Vaibhika views. This text remains the main source for Abhidharma in Indo-Tibetan and East Asian Buddhism.
The most mature and refined form of Vaibhika philosophy can be seen in the work of master Sa?ghabhadra (ca fifth century CE), "undoubtedly one of the most brilliant Abhidharma masters in India". His two main works, the *Ny?y?nus?ra (Shun zhengli lun ?) and the *Abhidharmasamayaprad?pik? (Apidamo xian zong lun ?), are key sources of late Vaibhika Abhidharma.
The riputra Abhidharma stra (? Shèlìfú ?pítán Lùn) (T. 1548) is a complete abhidharma text that is thought to come from the Dharmaguptaka sect. The only complete edition of this text is that in Chinese. Sanskrit fragments from this text have been found in Bamiyan, Afghanistan, and are now part of the Schøyen Collection (MS 2375/08). The manuscripts at this find are thought to have been part of a monastery library of the Mah?sghika Lokottarav?da sect.
Several Pudgalavada Abhidharma type texts also survive in Chinese, such as the Traidharmakasastra (Taisho no. 1506 pp. 15c-30a) and the Sammatiyanikayasastra. These texts contain traditional Abhidharma type lists and doctrines, but they also attempt to expound and defend the unique Pudgalavada doctrine of the "person" (pudgala).
Many Abhidharma texts have been lost- likely more than have survived. This includes texts brought from India by Xuanzang belonging to a variety of Indian schools that were never translated into Chinese. Many Abhidharma sastras discovered among the Gandharan Buddhist texts have no parallel in existing Indic languages or Chinese or Tibetan translation, suggesting the former breadth of Abhidharma literature.
According to some sources, abhidharma was not accepted as canonical by the Mah?sghika school. The Therav?din D?pava?sa, for example, records that the Mah?sghikas had no abhidharma. However, other sources indicate that there were such collections of abhidharma. During the early 5th century, the Chinese pilgrim Faxian is said to have found a Mah?sghika Abhidharma at a monastery in Paliputra. When Xuanzang visited Dh?nyaka?aka, he wrote that the monks of this region were Mah?sghikas, and mentions the P?rva?ailas specifically. Near Dh?nyaka?aka, he met two Mah?sghika bhik?us and studied Mah?sghika abhidharma with them for several months, during which time they also studied various Mah?y?na stras together under Xuanzang's direction. On the basis of textual evidence as well as inscriptions at N?g?rjunako, Joseph Walser concludes that at least some Mah?sghika sects probably had an abhidharma collection, and that it likely contained five or six books.
The Tattvasiddhi stra ("the treatise that accomplishes reality"; Chinese: , Chéngshílun), is an extant Abhidharma text which was popular in Chinese Buddhism. This Abhidharma is now contained in the Chinese Buddhist canon, in sixteen fascicles (Taish? Tripi?aka 1646). Its authorship is attributed to Harivarman, a third-century monk from central India. This work may belong to the Mah?sghika Bahu?rut?ya school or to the Sautr?ntika school.
Param?rtha cites this Bahu?rut?ya abhidharma as containing a combination of H?nay?na and Mah?y?na doctrines, and Joseph Walser agrees that this assessment is correct. Ian Charles Harris also characterizes the text as a synthesis of H?nay?na and Mah?y?na, and notes that its doctrines are very close to those in M?dhyamaka and Yog?c?ra works. The Satyasiddhi stra maintained great popularity in Chinese Buddhism, and even lead to the formation of its own school of Buddhism in China, the Chéngshí school (), which was founded in 412 CE. As summarized by Nan Huai-Chin:
Various Buddhist schools sprang to life, such as the school based on the three M?dhyamaka stras, the school based on the Abhidharmako?a, and the school based on the Satyasiddhi stra. These all vied with each other, producing many wondrous offshoots, each giving rise to its own theoretical system.
The Chéngshí School taught a progression of twenty-seven stations for cultivating realization, based upon the teachings of this text. They took Harivarman as its founder in India, and Kum?raj?va as the school's founder in China. The Chéngshí School is counted among the Ten Schools of Tang Dynasty Buddhism. From China, the Chéngshí School was transmitted to Japan in 625 CE, where it was known as J?jitsu-shu (). This school is known as one of the six great schools of Japanese Buddhism in the Nara period (710-794 CE).
Another complete system of Abhidharma thought is elaborated in certain works of the Mah?y?na Yog?c?ra tradition (which mainly evolved out of the Sarv?stiv?da Abhidharma). This Yog?c?ra Abhidharma can be found in the works of figures like Asanga, Vasubandhu, Sthiramati, Dharmap?la, labhadra, Xuanzang (Hsüan-tsang), and Vin?tadeva.
Yog?c?ra Abhidharmikas discussed many concepts not widely found in non-Mah?y?na Abhidharma, such as the theory of the eight consciousnesses (aa vijñ?nak?y) which includes the novel ?layavijñ?na, the three natures (trisvabh?va), mere cognizance (vijñapti-m?tra), the fundamental revolution of the basis (raya-par?v?tti), the Mah?y?na buddhology of the three bodies of the Buddha, the ten p?ramit? and the ten bh?mi.
While this Yog?c?rin Abhidharma is based on the Sarv?stiv?din system, it also incorporates aspects of other Abhidharma systems and present a complete Abhidharma in accordance with a Mah?y?na Yog?c?ra view that thought (vijñapti) alone is ultimately "real." The Yog?c?ra Abhidharma texts served as the foundations of the East Asian "Consciousness Only school" (Wéishí-z?ng).
The Yog?c?ra masters inherited the mystical approach of the Prajñ?p?ramit? texts. However, they did not reject the validity of theoretical Abhidharma. Rather they attempted to construct a critical understanding of the consciousness that underlies all meaning, both mystical and theoretical. Their focus was on doctrine, but as it flowed from the practice of meditative centering (yoga), rather than as it was understood in acts of conceptual apprehension.
The Prajñ?p?ramit? sutras and associated literature are influenced by Abhidharma. These texts make use of Abhidharma categories (like the dharma theory), and adopt them or critique them in different ways. Thus, according to Johannes Bronkhorst, the Aas?hasrik? Prajñ?p?ramit?, "only makes sense against the historical background of the Abhidharma."
According to Edward Conze, the Prajñ?p?ramit? sutras were meant to be a criticism of the view held by some of the Abhidharmikas which saw dharmas as real. Conze also notes that the later Prajñ?p?ramit? sutras have been expanded by the insertion of various doctrinal Abhidharma lists.
There is also plenty of Abhidharma material (mainly Sarv?stiv?da) in the Dà zhìdù lùn (The Treatise on the Great Prajñ?p?ramit?; Chinese, Mah?prajñ?p?ramit?upade?a* Taish? Tripi?aka no. 1509). The Dà zhìdù lùn was translated into Chinese by Kum?raj?va (344-413 CE) and his student Sengrui. The work claims it is written by N?g?rjuna (c. 2nd century), but various scholars such as Étienne Lamotte and Paul Demiéville, have questioned this, holding that the author was instead a Sarv?stiv?da monk learned in Abhidharma who became a Mah?y?nist and wrote this text. It is a very influential text in East Asian Buddhism.
The Abhisamay?la?k?ra ("Ornament of/for Realization[s]") also includes numerous Abhidharma type listings, and according to Karl Brunnholzl, "may be considered as a kind of highly formalized mah?y?na abhidharma presentation of the path and realization (similar to chapters five to eight of the Abhidharmakosa, which are frequently quoted in the AA commentaries)."