|Part of the Revolutions of 1989|
|Date||16-25 December 1989|
|Resulted in||Overthrow of the Socialist Republic of Romania, capture and execution of Nicolae and Elena Ceau?escu|
|Parties to the civil conflict|
The Romanian Revolution (Romanian: Revolu?ia Român?) was a period of violent civil unrest in Romania during December 1989 as a part of the Revolutions of 1989 that occurred in several countries. The Romanian Revolution started in the city of Timi?oara and soon spread throughout the country, ultimately culminating in the show trial and execution of longtime Communist Party General Secretary Nicolae Ceau?escu and his wife Elena, and the end of 42 years of Communist rule in Romania. It was also the last removal of a Marxist-Leninist government in a Warsaw Pact country during the events of 1989, and the only one that violently overthrew a country's government and executed its leader.
Early protests occurred in the city of Timi?oara in mid-December on the part of the Hungarian minority in response to an attempt by the government to evict Hungarian Reformed church pastor László T?kés. In response, Romanians sought revolution and a change in government in light of similar recent events in neighbouring nations. The country's ubiquitous secret police force, the Securitate, which was both one of the largest in the Eastern Bloc and for decades had been the main suppressor of popular dissent, frequently and violently quashing political disagreement, ultimately proved incapable of stopping the looming, and then highly fatal and successful revolt.
Social and economic malaise had been present in the Socialist Republic of Romania for quite some time, especially during the austerity years of the 1980s. The austerity measures were designed in part by Ceau?escu to repay the country's foreign debts. Shortly after a botched public speech by Ceau?escu in the capital Bucharest that was broadcast to millions of Romanians on state television, rank-and-file members of the military switched, almost unanimously, from supporting the dictator to backing the protesters. Riots, street violence and murder in several Romanian cities over the course of roughly a week led the Romanian leader to flee the capital city on 22 December with his wife, Elena. Evading capture by hastily departing via helicopter effectively portrayed the couple as both fugitives and also acutely guilty of accused crimes. Captured in Târgovi?te, they were tried by a drumhead military tribunal on charges of genocide, damage to the national economy and abuse of power to execute military actions against the Romanian people. They were convicted on all charges, sentenced to death, and immediately executed on Christmas Day 1989, and were the last people to be condemned to death and executed in Romania; before capital punishment was abolished permanently on 7 January 1990.
Present-day Romania has unfolded in the shadow of the Ceau?escus along with its Communist past, and its tumultuous departure from it. After Ceau?escu was toppled, the National Salvation Front quickly took power, promising free and fair elections within five months. Elected in a landslide the following May, the National Salvation Front, reconstituted as a political party, installed a series of economic and democratic reforms, with further social policy changes being implemented by later governments. Since that point, Romania has become far more integrated with the West than its former, albeit tepid, relations with Moscow. Romania became a member of NATO and the European Union in 2004 and 2007, respectively. Democratic reforms have proven to be moderately successful, though issues with corruption remain. Economic reforms continue, with Romania still possessing, for example, one of the highest child poverty rates in the developed world.
In 1981, Ceau?escu began an austerity programme designed to enable Romania to liquidate its entire national debt ($10,000,000,000). To achieve this, many basic goods--including gas, heating and food--were rationed, which drastically reduced the standard of living and increased malnutrition. The infant mortality rate also grew to be the highest in Europe.
The secret police, Securitate, had become so omnipresent that it made Romania essentially a police state. Free speech was limited and opinions that did not favour the Romanian Communist Party (PCR) were forbidden. The large numbers of Securitate informers made organised dissent nearly impossible. The regime deliberately played on this sense that everyone was being watched to make it easier to bend the people to the Party's will. Even by Soviet Bloc standards, the Securitate was exceptionally brutal.
Ceau?escu created a cult of personality, with weekly shows in stadiums or on streets in different cities dedicated to him, his wife and the Communist Party. There were several megalomaniac projects, such as the construction of the grandiose House of the Republic (today the Palace of the Parliament)--the biggest palace in the world--the adjacent Centrul Civic and a never-completed museum dedicated to Communism and Ceau?escu, today the Casa Radio. These and similar projects drained the country's finances and aggravated the already dire economic situation. Thousands of Bucharest residents were evicted from their homes, which were subsequently demolished to make room for the huge structures.
Unlike the other Warsaw Pact leaders, Ceau?escu had not been slavishly pro-Soviet but rather had pursued an "independent" foreign policy; Romanian forces did not join their Warsaw Pact allies in putting an end to the Prague Spring--an invasion Ceau?escu openly denounced--while Romanian athletes competed at the Soviet-boycotted 1984 Summer Olympics in Los Angeles (receiving a standing ovation at the opening ceremonies and proceeding to win 53 medals, trailing only the United States and West Germany in the overall count). Conversely, while Soviet Communist Party General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev spoke of reform, Ceau?escu maintained a hard political line and cult of personality.
The austerity programme started in 1981 and the widespread poverty it introduced made the Communist regime very unpopular. The austerity programmes were met with little resistance among Romanians and there were only a few strikes and labour disputes, of which the Jiu Valley miners' strike of 1977 and the Bra?ov Rebellion of November 1987 at the truck manufacturer Steagul Ro?u were the most notable. In March 1989, several leading activists of the PCR criticised Ceau?escu's economic policies in a letter, but shortly thereafter he achieved a significant political victory: Romania paid off its external debt of about US$11,000,000,000 several months before the time that even the Romanian dictator expected. However, in the months following the austerity programme, shortages of goods remained the same as before.
Like the East German state newspaper, official Romanian news organs made no mention of the fall of the Berlin Wall in the first days following 9 November 1989. The most notable news in Romanian newspapers of 11 November 1989, was the "masterly lecture by comrade Nicolae Ceau?escu at the extended plenary session of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Romania," in which the Romanian head of state and party highly praised the "brilliant programme for the work and revolutionary struggle of all our people," as well as the "exemplary fulfillment of economic tasks." What had happened 1,500 km northwest of Bucharest, in divided Berlin, during those days is not even mentioned. Socialism is praised as the "way of the free, independent development of the peoples." The same day, on Bucharest's Brezoianu Street and Kog?lniceanu Boulevard, a group of students from Cluj-Napoca attempted a demonstration but were quickly apprehended. It initially appeared that Ceau?escu would weather the wave of revolution sweeping across Eastern Europe, as he was formally re-elected for another five-year term as General Secretary of the Romanian Communist Party on 24 November at the party's XIV Congress. On that same day, Ceau?escu's counterpart in Czechoslovakia, Milo? Jake?, resigned along with the entire Communist leadership, effectively ending Communist rule in Czechoslovakia.
The three students, Mihnea Paraschivescu, Gra?ian Vulpe, and the economist Dan C?prariu-Schlachter from Cluj, were detained and investigated by the Securitate at the Rahova Penitentiary on suspicion of propaganda against the socialist society. They were released on 22 December 1989 at 14:00. There were other letters and attempts to draw attention to the economic, cultural, and spiritual oppression of Romanians, but they served only to intensify the activity of the police and Securitate.
On 16 December 1989, the Hungarian minority in Timi?oara held a public protest in response to an attempt by the government to evict Hungarian Reformed church Pastor László T?kés. In July of that year, in an interview with Hungarian television, T?kés had criticised the regime's Systematisation policy and complained that Romanians did not even know their human rights. As T?kés described it later, the interview, which had been seen in the border areas and was then spread all over Romania, had "a shock effect upon the Romanians, the Securitate as well, on the people of Romania. [...] [I]t had an unexpected effect upon the public atmosphere in Romania."
The government then alleged that T?kés was inciting ethnic hatred. At the behest of the government, his bishop removed him from his post, thereby depriving him of the right to use the apartment to which he was entitled as a pastor, and assigned him to be a pastor in the countryside. For some time his parishioners gathered around his home to protect him from harassment and eviction. Many passersby spontaneously joined in. As it became clear that the crowd would not disperse, the mayor, Petre Mo?, made remarks suggesting that he had overturned the decision to evict T?kés. Meanwhile, the crowd had grown impatient and, when Mo? declined to confirm his statement against the planned eviction in writing, the crowd started to chant anti-communist slogans. Subsequently, police and Securitate forces showed up at the scene. By 19:30 the protest had spread and the original cause became largely irrelevant.
Some of the protesters attempted to burn down the building that housed the district committee of the PCR. The Securitate responded with tear gas and water cannons, while police beat up rioters and arrested many of them. Around 21:00 the rioters withdrew. They regrouped eventually around the Romanian Orthodox Cathedral and started a protest march around the city, but again they were confronted by the security forces.
Riots and protests resumed the following day, 17 December. The rioters broke into the district committee building and threw party documents, propaganda brochures, Ceau?escu's writings, and other symbols of Communist power out of windows.
The military was sent in to control the riots, because the situation was too large for the Securitate and conventional police to handle. The presence of the army in the streets was an ominous one: It meant that they had received their orders from the highest level of the command chain, presumably from Ceau?escu himself. The army failed to establish order and chaos ensued, including gunfire, fights, casualties, and burned cars. Transportor Amfibiu Blindat (TAB) armoured personnel carriers and tanks were called in.
After 20:00, from Pia?a Libertii (Liberty Square) to the Opera, there was wild shooting, including the area of Decebal bridge, Calea Lipovei (Lipovei Avenue) and Calea Girocului (Girocului Avenue). Tanks, trucks and TABs blocked the accesses into the city while helicopters hovered overhead. After midnight the protests calmed down. Colonel-General Ion Coman, local Party secretary Ilie Matei, and Colonel-General ?tefan Gu (Chief of the Romanian General Staff) inspected the city. Some areas looked like the aftermath of a war: destruction, rubble and blood.
On the morning of 18 December the centre was being guarded by soldiers and Securitate agents in plainclothes. Mayor Mo? ordered a party gathering to take place at the university, with the purpose of condemning the "vandalism" of the previous days. He also declared martial law, prohibiting people from going about in groups of larger than two.
Defying the curfew, a group of 30 young men headed for the Orthodox cathedral, where they stopped and waved a Romanian flag from which they had removed the Romanian Communist coat of arms leaving a distinctive hole, in a manner similar to the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. Expecting that they would be fired upon, they started to sing "De?teapt?-te, române!" ("Awaken thee, Romanian!"), an earlier patriotic song that had been banned in 1947 (but then partially co-opted by the Ceau?escu regime once he fashioned himself as a nationalist). Hungarian protesters also chanted "Români, veni?i cu noi!" ("Romanians, come with us", to convey that the protest was by and for all citizens of Romania, not an ethnic minority matter). They were, indeed, fired upon; some died and others were seriously injured, while the lucky ones were able to escape.
On 19 December, local Party functionary Radu B?lan and Colonel-General ?tefan Gu visited workers in the city's factories, but failed to get them to resume work. On 20 December, massive columns of workers entered the city. About 100,000 protesters occupied Pia?a Operei (Opera Square - today Pia?a Victoriei, Victory Square) and chanted anti-government slogans: "Noi suntem poporul!" ("We are the people!"), "Armata e cu noi!" ("The army is on our side!"), "Nu v? fie fric?, Ceau?escu pic?!" ("Have no fear, Ceau?escu is falling!")
Meanwhile, Emil Bobu (Secretary to the Central Committee) and Prime Minister Constantin D?sc?lescu were sent by Elena Ceau?escu (Nicolae being at that time in Iran) to resolve the situation. They met with a delegation of the protesters and agreed to free the majority of the arrested protesters. However, they refused to comply with the protesters' main demand (resignation of Ceau?escu) and the situation remained essentially unchanged.
The next day, trains loaded with workers from factories in Oltenia arrived in Timi?oara. The regime was attempting to use them to repress the mass protests, but after a brief encounter they ended up joining the protests. One worker explained, "Yesterday our factory boss and a party official rounded us up in the yard, handed us wooden clubs and told us that Hungarians and 'hooligans' were devastating Timi?oara and that it is our duty to go there and help crush the riots. But I realised that wasn't the truth."
On 18 December, Ceau?escu had departed for a visit to Iran, leaving the duty of crushing the Timi?oara revolt to his subordinates and his wife. Upon his return on the evening of 20 December, the situation became even more tense, and he gave a televised speech from the TV studio inside the Central Committee Building (CC Building) in which he spoke about the events at Timi?oara in terms of an "interference of foreign forces in Romania's internal affairs" and an "external aggression on Romania's sovereignty."
The country, which had no information about the Timi?oara events from the national media, heard about the Timi?oara revolt from Western radio stations like Voice of America and Radio Free Europe, and by word of mouth. A mass meeting was staged for the next day, 21 December, which, according to the official media, was presented as a "spontaneous movement of support for Ceau?escu," emulating the 1968 meeting in which Ceau?escu had spoken against the invasion of Czechoslovakia by Warsaw Pact forces.
On the morning of 21 December, Ceau?escu addressed an assembly of approximately 100,000 people to condemn the uprising in Timi?oara. Party officials took great pains to make it appear that Ceau?escu was still immensely popular. Several busloads of workers, under threat of being fired, arrived in Bucharest's Pia?a Palatului (Palace Square, now Pia?a Revolu?iei - Revolution Square) and were given red flags, banners and large pictures of Ceau?escu. They were augmented by bystanders who were rounded up on Calea Victoriei.
The speech was typical of most of Ceau?escu's speeches over the years. Making liberal use of Marxist-Leninist rhetoric, he delivered a litany of the achievements of the "socialist revolution" and Romanian "multi-laterally developed socialist society". He blamed the Timi?oara uprising on "fascist agitators". However, Ceau?escu was out of touch with his people and completely misread the crowd's mood. The people remained unresponsive, and only the front rows supported Ceau?escu with cheers and applause. About two minutes into the speech, some in the crowd began to jeer, boo, whistle and yell insults at him, a reaction unthinkable for most of his rule. Workers from a Bucharest power plant started chanting "Ti-mi-?oa-ra! Ti-mi-?oa-ra!", which was soon picked up by others in the crowd. In response, Ceau?escu raised his right hand in hopes of silencing the crowd; his stunned expression remains one of the defining moments of the end of Communism in Eastern Europe. He then tried to placate the crowd by offering to raise workers' salaries by 200 lei per month (about 19 U.S. dollars at the time, yet a 5%-10% raise for a modest salary) and student scholarships from 100 to 110 lei while continuing to praise the achievements of the Socialist Revolution. However, a revolution was brewing right in front of his eyes.
As Ceau?escu was addressing the crowd from the balcony of the Central Committee building, sudden movement came from the outskirts of the massed assembly, as did the sound of (what various sources have reported as) fireworks, bombs or guns, which together caused the assembly to break into chaos. Initially frightened, the crowds tried to disperse. Bullhorns then began to spread the news that the Securitate was firing on the crowd and that a "revolution" was unfolding. This persuaded people in the assembly to join in. The rally turned into a protest demonstration.
The entire speech was being broadcast live nationwide. Censors attempted to cut the live video feed and replace it with Communist propaganda songs and video praising the Ceau?escu regime, but parts of the riots had already been broadcast and most of the Romanian people realised that something unusual was in progress. Ceau?escu and his wife, as well as other officials and CPEx members, panicked; Ceau?escu's bodyguard hustled him back inside the building.
The jeers and whistles soon erupted into a riot; the crowd took to the streets, placing the capital, like Timi?oara, in turmoil. Members of the crowd spontaneously began shouting anti-Ceau?escu slogans, which spread and became chants: "Jos dictatorul!" ("Down with the dictator"), "Moarte criminalului!" ("Death to the criminal"), "Noi suntem poporul, jos cu dictatorul!" ("We are the People, down with the dictator"), "Ceau?escu cine e?ti?/Criminal din Scornice?ti" ("Ceau?escu, who are you? A criminal from Scornice?ti").
Protesters eventually flooded the city centre area, from Pia?a Kog?lniceanu to Pia?a Unirii, Pia?a Rosetti and Pia?a Roman?. In one notable scene from the event, a young man waved a tricolour with the Communist coat of arms torn out of its centre while perched on the statue of Mihai Viteazul on Boulevard Mihail Kog?lniceanu in the University Square. Many others began to emulate the young protester, and the waving and displaying of the Romanian flag with the Communist insignia cut out quickly became widespread.
As the hours passed many more people took to the streets. Later, observers claimed that even at this point, had Ceau?escu been willing to talk, he might have been able to salvage something. Instead, he decided on force. Soon the protesters--unarmed and unorganised--were confronted by soldiers, tanks, APCs, USLA troops (Unitatea Special? pentru Lupta Antiterorist?, anti-terrorist special squads) and armed plainclothes Securitate officers. The crowd was soon being shot at from various buildings, side streets and tanks.
There were many casualties, including deaths, as victims were shot, clubbed to death, stabbed and crushed by armoured vehicles. One APC drove into the crowd around the InterContinental Hotel, crushing people. A French journalist, Jean-Louis Calderon, was killed. A street near University Square was later named after him, as well as a high school in Timi?oara. Belgian journalist Danny Huwé was shot and killed on 23 or 24 December 1989.
Firefighters hit the demonstrators with powerful water cannons, and the police continued to beat and arrest people. Protesters managed to build a defensible barricade in front of the Dun?rea ("Danube") restaurant, which stood until after midnight, but was finally torn apart by government forces. Intense shooting continued until after 03:00, by which time the survivors had fled the streets.
Records of the fighting that day include footage shot from helicopters that were sent to raid the area and record evidence for eventual reprisals, as well as by tourists in the high tower of the centrally located InterContinental Hotel, next to the National Theatre and across the street from the university.
It is likely that in the early hours of 22 December the Ceau?escus made their second mistake. Instead of fleeing the city under cover of night, they decided to wait until morning to leave. Ceau?escu must have thought that his desperate attempts to crush the protests had succeeded, because he apparently called another meeting for the next morning. However, before 07:00, his wife Elena received the news that large columns of workers from many industrial platforms (large communist-era factories or groups of factories concentrated into industrial zones) were heading towards the city centre of Bucharest to join the protests. The police barricades that were meant to block access to Pia?a Universitii (University Square) and Palace Square proved useless. By 09:30 University Square was jammed with protesters. Security forces (army, police and others) re-entered the area, only to join with the protesters.
By 10:00, as the radio broadcast was announcing the introduction of martial law and a ban on groups larger than five persons, hundreds of thousands of people were gathering for the first time, spontaneously, in central Bucharest (the previous day's crowd had come together at Ceau?escu's orders). Ceau?escu attempted to address the crowd from the balcony of the Central Committee of the Communist Party building, but his attempt was met with a wave of disapproval and anger. Helicopters spread manifestos (which did not reach the crowd, due to unfavourable winds) instructing people not to fall victim to the latest "diversion attempts," but to go home instead and enjoy the Christmas feast. This order, which drew unfavourable comparisons to Marie Antoinette's haughty (but apocryphal) "Let them eat cake", further infuriated the people who did read the manifestos; many at that time had trouble procuring basic foodstuffs such as cooking oil.
At approximately 09:30 on the morning of 22 December Vasile Milea, Ceau?escu's minister of defence, died under suspicious circumstances. A communiqué by Ceau?escu stated that Milea had been sacked for treason, and that he had committed suicide after his treason was revealed. The most widespread opinion at the time was that Milea hesitated to follow Ceau?escu's orders to fire on the demonstrators, even though tanks had been dispatched to downtown Bucharest that morning. Milea was already in severe disfavour with Ceau?escu for initially sending soldiers to Timi?oara without live ammunition. Rank-and-file soldiers believed that Milea had actually been murdered and went over virtually en masse to the revolution. Senior commanders wrote off Ceau?escu as a lost cause and made no effort to keep their men loyal to the regime. This effectively ended any chance of Ceau?escu staying in power.
Accounts differ about how Milea died. His family and several junior officers believed he had been shot in his own office by the Securitate, while another group of officers believed he had committed suicide. In 2005 an investigation concluded that the minister killed himself by shooting at his heart, but the bullet missed the heart, hit a nearby artery and led to his death shortly afterward.
Upon learning of Milea's death, Ceau?escu appointed Victor St?nculescu minister of defence. He accepted after a brief hesitation. St?nculescu, however, ordered the troops back to their quarters without Ceau?escu's knowledge, and also persuaded Ceau?escu to leave by helicopter, thus making the dictator a fugitive. At that same moment angry protesters began storming the Communist Party headquarters; St?nculescu and the soldiers under his command did not oppose them.
By refusing to carry out Ceau?escu's orders (he was still technically commander-in-chief of the army), St?nculescu played a central role in the overthrow of the dictatorship. "I had the prospect of two execution squads: Ceau?escu's and the revolutionary one!" confessed St?nculescu later. In the afternoon, St?nculescu "chose" Ion Iliescu's political group from among others that were striving for power in the aftermath of the recent events.
Following Ceau?escu's second failed attempt to address the crowd, he and Elena fled into a lift headed for the roof. A group of protesters managed to force their way into the building, overpower Ceau?escu's bodyguards and make their way through his office before heading onto the balcony. They were unaware they were only a few metres from Ceau?escu. The lift's electricity failed just before it reached the top floor, and Ceau?escu's bodyguards forced it open and ushered the couple onto the roof.
At 11:20 on 22 December 1989, Ceau?escu's personal pilot, Lieutenant Colonel Vasile Malu?an, received instructions from Lieutenant General Opruta to proceed to Palace Square to pick up the president. As he flew over Palace Square he saw it was impossible to land there. Malu?an landed his white Dauphin, #203, on the terrace at 11:44. A man brandishing a white net curtain from one of the windows waved him down.
Malu?an said, "Then Stelica, the co-pilot, came to me and said that there were demonstrators coming to the terrace. Then the Ceau?escus came out, both practically carried by their bodyguards ... They looked as if they were fainting. They were white with terror. Manea M?nescu [one of the vice-presidents] and Emil Bobu were running behind them. M?nescu, Bobu, Neagoe and another Securitate officer scrambled to the four seats in the back ... As I pulled Ceau?escu in, I saw the demonstrators running across the terrace ... There wasn't enough space, Elena Ceau?escu and I were squeezed in between the chairs and the door ... We were only supposed to carry four passengers ... We had six."
According to Malu?an, it was 12:08 when they left for Snagov. After they arrived there, Ceau?escu took Malu?an into the presidential suite and ordered him to get two helicopters filled with soldiers for an armed guard, and a further Dauphin to come to Snagov. Malu?an's unit commander replied on the phone, "There has been a revolution ... You are on your own ... Good luck!". Malu?an then said to Ceau?escu that the second motor was now warmed up and they needed to leave soon but he could only take four people, not six. M?nescu and Bobu stayed behind. Ceau?escu ordered Malu?an to head for Titu. Near Titu, Malu?an says that he made the helicopter dip up and down. He lied to Ceau?escu, saying that this was to avoid anti-aircraft fire, since they would now be in range. Ceau?escu panicked and told him to land.
He did so in a field next to the old road that led to Pite?ti. Malu?an then told his four passengers that he could do nothing more. The Securitate men ran to the roadside and began to flag down passing cars. Two cars stopped, one of them driven by a forestry official and one a red Dacia driven by a local doctor. However, the doctor was not happy about getting involved and, after a short time driving the Ceau?escus, faked engine trouble. A car of a bicycle repair man was then flagged down and he took them to Târgovi?te. The driver of the car, Nicolae Petri?or, convinced them that they could hide successfully in an agricultural technical institute on the edge of town. When they arrived, the director guided the Ceau?escus into a room and then locked them in. They were arrested by local police at about 15:30, then after some wandering around transported to the Târgovi?te garrison's military compound and held captive for several days until their trial.
On 24 December Ion Iliescu, head of the newly formed Council of the National Salvation Front (FSN), signed a decree establishing the Extraordinary Military Tribunal, a drumhead court-martial to trial the Ceau?escus for genocide and other crimes. The trial was held on 25 December, lasted for about two hours and delivered death sentences to the couple. Although nominally the Ceau?escus had a right of appeal, their execution followed immediately, just outside the improvised courtroom, being carried out by three paratroopers with their service rifles.
Footage of the trial and of the executed Ceau?escus was promptly released in Romania and to the rest of the world. The actual moment of execution was not filmed since the cameraman was too slow, and he managed to get into the courtyard just as the shooting ended.
In footage of the trial, Nicolae Ceau?escu is seen answering the ad hoc tribunal judging him and referring to some of its members--among them Army Gen. Victor Atanasie St?nculescu and future Romanian Secret Service head Virgil M?gureanu--as "traitors". In this same video Ceau?escu dismisses the "tribunal" as illegitimate and demands his constitutional rights to answer to charges in front of a legitimate tribunal.
After Ceau?escu left, the crowds in Palace Square entered a celebratory mood, perhaps even more intense than in the other former Eastern Bloc countries because of the recent violence. People cried, shouted and gave each other gifts mainly because it was also close to Christmas Day, which was a long suppressed holiday in Romania. The occupation of the Central Committee building continued.
People threw Ceau?escu's writings, official portraits and propaganda books out the windows, intending to burn them. They also promptly ripped off the giant letters from the roof making up the word "comunist" ("communist") in the slogan: "Tr?iasc? Partidul Comunist Român!" ("Long live the Communist Party of Romania!"). A young woman appeared on the rooftop and waved a flag with the coat of arms torn out.
At that time fierce fights were underway at Bucharest Otopeni International Airport between troops sent against each other under claims that they were going to confront terrorists. Early in the morning troops sent to reinforce the airport were fired upon. These troops were from the UM 0865 Campina military base, and were summoned there by Gen. Ion Rus, the commander of the Romanian Air Force. The confrontation resulted in the deaths of 40 soldiers as well as eight civilians. The military trucks were allowed entrance into the airport's perimeter, passing several checkpoints. However, after passing the last checkpoint, being on their way to the airport, they were fired upon from different directions. A civilian bus was also fired upon during the firefight. After the firefight the surviving soldiers were taken prisoner by the troops guarding the airport, who seemed to think that they were loyal to Ceau?escu's regime.
However, the seizure of power by the new political structure FSN, which "emanated" from the second tier of the PCR leadership with help of the plotting generals, was not yet complete. Forces considered to be loyal to the old regime (spontaneously nicknamed "terrorists") opened fire on the crowd and attacked vital points of socio-political life: the television, radio and telephone buildings, as well as Casa Scânteii (the centre of the nation's print media, which serves a similar role today under the name Casa Presei Libere, "House of the Free Press") and the post office in the district of Drumul Taberei; Palace Square (site of the Central Committee building, but also of the Central University Library, the national art museum in the former Royal Palace, and the Ateneul Român (Romanian Athaeneum), Bucharest's leading concert hall); the university and the adjoining University Square (one of the city's main intersections); Otopeni and B?neasa airports; hospitals and the Ministry of Defence.
During the night of 22-23 December Bucharest residents remained on the streets, especially in the attacked zones, fighting (and ultimately winning, even at the cost of many lives) a battle with an elusive and dangerous enemy. With the military confused by contradictory orders, true battles ensued with many real casualties. At 21:00 on 23 December, tanks and a few paramilitary units arrived to protect the Palace of the Republic. Meanwhile, messages of support were flooding in from all over the world: France (President François Mitterrand); the Soviet Union (General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev); Hungary (the Hungarian Socialist Party); the new East German government (at that time the two German states were not yet formally reunited); Bulgaria (Petar Mladenov, General Secretary of the Communist Party of Bulgaria); Czechoslovakia (Ladislav Adamec, leader of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, and Václav Havel, the dissident writer, revolution leader and future president of the Republic); China (the Minister of Foreign Affairs); the United States (President George H.W. Bush); Canada (Prime Minister Brian Mulroney); West Germany (Foreign Minister Hans Dietrich Genscher); NATO (Secretary General Manfred Wörner); the United Kingdom (Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher); Spain; Austria; the Netherlands; Italy; Portugal; Japan (the Japanese Communist Party); SFR Yugoslavia government and Moldavia.
In the following days, moral support was followed by material support. Large quantities of food, medicine, clothing, medical equipment, and other humanitarian aid were sent to Romania. Around the world, the press dedicated entire pages and sometimes even complete issues to the Romanian revolution and its leaders.
On 24 December Bucharest was a city at war. Tanks, APCs and trucks continued to patrol the city and surround trouble spots in order to protect them. At intersections near strategic objectives, roadblocks were built; automatic gunfire continued in and around University Square, the Gara de Nord (the city's main railroad station) and Palace Square. Yet amid the chaos, some people were seen clutching makeshift Christmas trees. "Terrorist activities" continued until 27 December, when they abruptly stopped. Nobody ever found out who conducted them, or who ordered their termination.
The total number of deaths in the Romanian Revolution was 1,104, of which 162 were in the protests that led to the overthrow of Ceau?escu (16-22 December 1989) and 942 in the fighting that occurred after the seizure of power by the new FSN. The number of wounded was 3,352, of which 1,107 occurred while Ceau?escu was still in power and 2,245 after the FSN took power. Official figures place the death toll of the revolution at 689 people, many of whom were civilians.
This section needs to be updated.February 2018)(
The Revolution brought Romania vast attention from the outside world. Initially, much of the world's sympathy went to the FSN government under Ion Iliescu, a former member of the CPR leadership and a Ceau?escu ally prior to falling into the dictator's disfavour in the early 1980s. The FSN, composed mainly of former members of the second echelon of the CPR, immediately assumed control over the state institutions, including the main media outlets such as the national radio and television networks. They used their control of the media in order to launch attacks against their political opponents, newly created political parties that claimed to be successors to those existing before 1948.
Much of that sympathy was squandered during the Mineriad. Massive protests erupted in downtown Bucharest as political rallies organised by the opposition parties during the presidential elections, with a small part of the protesters deciding to stand ground even after Iliescu was re-elected with an overwhelming majority of 85%. Attempts by police to evacuate the remaining protesters resulted in attacks on state institutions, prompting Iliescu to appeal to the country's workers for help. Infiltrated and instigated by former Securitate agents, in the following days a large mass of workers, mainly miners, entered Bucharest and attacked and fought with anti-government protesters and gathered bystanders.
On the eve of the first free post-communist elections day (20 May 1990), Silviu Brucan--who was part of the FSN--argued that the 1989 Revolution was not anti-communist, being only against Ceau?escu. He stated that Ion Iliescu made a "monumental" mistake in "conceding to the crowd" and banning the PCR.
While other former ruling Communist parties in the Soviet bloc reconfigured themselves into social democratic or democratic socialist parties, the PCR melted away in the wake of the revolution, never to return. However, a number of former PCR politicians remain prominent on Romania's political scene. Iliescu, for example, remained the central figure in Romanian politics for more than a decade, losing the presidency in 1996 before regaining it in 2000; he retired for good in 2004.
The FSN chose between the two economic models that political elites claimed were available to post-Communist Eastern European countries: shock therapy or gradual reforms. The FSN chose the latter, slower reforms, because it would have not been possible to convince the people who were already "exhausted" after Ceau?escu's austerity to undergo further sacrifices.
Nevertheless, the neoliberal reforms were implemented, although not all at once: by the end of 1990, the prices were liberalised and a free currency exchange rate, devaluing the leu by 60%. The land of the state-owned collective farms was distributed to private owners and a list of 708 large state-owned enterprises to be privatised was devised.
In 1991 Romania signed an agreement with the IMF and began the privatisation of state-owned enterprises, with the first privatisation law being passed in 1991. In 1992, the Stolojan government began an austerity plan, limiting wages and further liberalising prices. The economic situation deteriorated and inflation as well as unemployment increased substantially. The austerity measures, which by 1995 included a decrease in social spending, led to an increase in poverty.
The neoliberal reforms were accelerated after the Democratic Convention won the 1996 elections, the government using its prerogatives to pass a package of laws, removing subsidies, passing reforms on unemployment benefits and greatly increasing the number of privatised companies.
Buildings marked by fire and bullet holes on the northern edge of Revolution Square, Bucharest, July 1990