Proto-Samic Language
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Proto-Samic Language
Reconstruction ofSamic languages

Proto-Samic or Proto-Sami is the hypothetical, reconstructed common ancestor of the Sami languages. It is a descendant of the Proto-Uralic language.

Homeland and expansion

Although the current Sami languages are spoken much further to the north and west, Proto-Samic was likely spoken in the area of modern-day Southwestern Finland around the first few centuries CE. Local (in Sápmi) ancestors of the modern Sami people likely still spoke non-Uralic, "Paleoeuropean" languages at this point (see Pre-Finno-Ugric substrate). This situation can be traced in placenames as well as through the analysis of loanwords from Germanic, Baltic and Finnic. Evidence also can be found for the existence of language varieties closely related to but likely distinct from Samic proper having been spoken further east, with a limit around Lake Beloye.

Separation of the main branches (West Samic and East Samic) is also likely to have occurred in southern Finland, with these later independently spreading north into Sápmi. The exact routes of this are not clear: it is possible Western Sami entered Scandinavia across Kvarken rather than via land. Concurrently, Finnic languages that would eventually end up becoming modern-day Finnish and Karelian were being adopted in the southern end of the Proto-Samic area, likely in connection with the introduction of agriculture, a process that continued until the 19th century, leading to the extirpation of original Samic languages in Karelia and all but northernmost Finland.



The Proto-Samic consonant inventory is mostly faithfully retained from Proto-Uralic, and is considerably smaller than what is typically found in modern Sami languages. There were 16 contrastive consonants, most of which could however occur both short and geminate:

Bilabial Dental Alveolar Palatal(ized) Velar
Stops and
*p /p/
*pp /?p:/
*t /t?/
*tt /?t?:/
*c /t?s/
*cc /?t?s:/
*? /t/
* /?t:/
*k /k/
*kk /?k:/
Nasals *m /m/
*mm /m:/
*n /n?/
*nn /n?:/
*? /?/ *? /?/
Fricatives *? /ð/ *s /s/
*ss /s:/
*? /?/
* /?:/
Approximants *v /?/
*vv /?:/
*l /l/
*ll /l:/
*j /j/
*jj /j:/
Trill *r /r/
*rr /r:/

Stop and affricate consonants were split in three main allophones with respect to phonation:

  • Plain voiceless [p], [t], [ts] etc, occurred word-initially, adjacent to other voiceless consonants, and in the strong grade of single intervocalic consonants
  • Lax voiceless [b?], [d?], [d?z?] etc, occurred between voiced sounds
  • Preaspirated [?p:], [?t:], [?ts:] etc, occurred in geminates

The spirant *? also had two allophones, voiceless [?] occurring word-initially and syllable-finally, and voiced [ð] elsewhere.

Consonant gradation

A detailed system of allophony is reconstructible, known as consonant gradation. Gradation applied to all intervocalic single consonants as well as all consonant clusters. This is unlike gradation in the related Proto-Finnic and its descendants, where it applied only to a subset. The conditioning factor was the same, however: the weak grade occurred if the following syllable was closed, the strong grade if it was open. This difference was originally probably realized as length:

  • A single consonant was short in the weak grade, e.g. [s], half-long in the strong grade [s?]
  • A geminate consonant was long [s:] in the weak grade, overlong [s::] in the strong grade
  • A consonant cluster had a short 1st member in the weak grade, e.g. [sm], a half-long one in the strong grade, [s?m]

Gradation only applied after a stressed syllable; after an unstressed syllable all medial consonants appeared in the weak grade.

In sources on Proto-Samic reconstruction, gradation is often assumed but not indicated graphically. In this article, when it is relevant and necessary to show the distinction, the weak grade is denoted with an inverted breve below the consonant(s): s : s?, ? : , tt : t?t?, lk : l?k?.

After the phonematization of gradation due to loss of word-final sounds, Samic varieties could be left with as many as four different contrastive degrees of consonant length. This has only been attested in some dialects of Ume Sami. Most other Samic varieties phonemically merged the weak grade of geminates with the strong grade of single consonants, leaving only three lengths. In some Samic languages, other sound developments have left only two or three degrees occurring elsewhere.


An asymmetric system of four short and five long vowel segments can be reconstructed.

Short vowels
Front Back
Close i u
Mid ë [?], o
Long vowels
Front Back
Close-mid ie uo
Mid ? [e:] ? [o:]
Open-mid ea oa
Open ? [a:]
  • The four diphthongs *ie *ea *oa *uo only occurred in stressed syllables, in complementary distribution with the two long vowels *? *? occurring in unstressed syllables.
  • *? did not generally occur in the last syllable of a word.


Stress was not phonemic in Proto-Samic. The first syllable of a word invariably received primary stress. Non-initial syllables of a word received secondary stress, according to a trochaic pattern of alternating secondarily-stressed and unstressed syllables. Odd-numbered syllables (counting from the start) were stressed, while even-numbered syllables were unstressed. The last syllable of a word was never stressed. Thus, a word could end in either a stressed syllable followed by an unstressed syllable (if the last syllable was even-numbered) or a stressed syllable followed by two unstressed syllables (if the last syllable was odd-numbered). This gave the following pattern, which could be extended indefinitely (P = primary stress, S = secondary stress, _ = no stress):

  • P
  • P _
  • P _ _
  • P _ S _
  • P _ S _ _
  • P _ S _ S _
  • etc.

Because the four diphthongs could only occur in stressed syllables, this stress pattern often led to alternations between vowels in different forms of the same word. More crucially, it led to alternations in inflectional endings between different words, depending on whether the second-last syllable of that word was stressed or not.

This alternation survives in many Samic languages in the form of distinct inflectional classes, with words with a stressed second-last syllable following the so-called "even" or "two-syllable" inflection, and words with an unstressed second-last syllable following the "odd" or "three-syllable" inflection. Weakening and simplification of non-final consonants after unstressed syllables contributed further to the alternation, leading to differences that are sometimes quite striking. For example:

Form Even-syllable stem
"to live"
Odd-syllable stem
"to answer"
Proto-Samic Northern Sami Skolt Sami Proto-Samic Northern Sami Skolt Sami
Infinitive *eal?-tk eallit jilled *v?st?t?-tk vástidit va?stteed
First-person singular present indicative *eal-m ealán jillam *v?st?t-m vástidan va?sttääm
First-person singular conditional *eal-ki-m ealá?in jill?em *v?st?t?ie-ki-m vástidiven va?stteem
First-person singular potential *eal-?ë-m ele?an jill?em *v?st?t?ea-?ë-m vástideaan va?stteem

In compounds, which consisted of a combination of several root words, each word retained the stress pattern that it had in isolation, so that that stress remained lexically significant (i.e. could theoretically distinguish compounds from non-compounds). The first syllable of the first part of a compound had the strongest stress, with progressively weaker secondary stress for the first syllables of the remaining parts.



Nominals, i.e. nouns, adjectives, numerals and pronouns were systematically inflected for two numbers and ten cases. The personal pronouns and possessive suffixes also distinguished the dual number.


The cases included the core cases nominative, accusative and genitive; the local cases inessive, elative, illative; as well as essive, partitive, comitative and abessive.

Case Singular
Nominative ? *-k Subject, object of imperative
Accusative *-m *-jt? Object
Partitive *-t? Partial object, motion away
Genitive *-n *-j Possession, relation
Essive *-n? *-jn? Being, acting as
Inessive *-sn? Being at, on, inside
Elative *-st? *-jst? Motion from, off, out of
Illative *-s?ën *-jt?s?ën (N)
*-jt? (S)
*-j?t?ën (In)
Motion towards, to, onto, into
Comitative *-jn?
*-jnë (In, Lu)
*-j (+ *kuojm?) With, in company of, by means of
Abessive *-pt?k?ëk - Without, lacking

Several of the singular cases do not have a clear counterpart in the plural, or have different formations ancestral to different Sami languages. For example, what would later become the accusative plural developed out of the partitive plural form, while the inessive plural is the original essive plural form. The comitative plural was in origin a periphrastic construction consisting of the genitive plural with the noun *kuojm? "companion". It is likely that the case system was still partially in development during the late Proto-Samic period, and developed in subtly different ways in the various descendants.

In most Samic languages, the case system has been simplified:

  • The partitive has been lost in most western languages.
  • In several languages the genitive and accusative singular have coincided, and in Northern Sami this led to an analogical merger in the plural. Southern and Pite Sami still keep the two cases separate.
  • A sound change *sn > *st that occurred in the history of several Sami languages caused a merging of the inessive and elative singular, creating a single "locative" case. Several languages merged the plural cases analogically, but some languages chose the former inessive plural form, while others chose the elative plural.


Proto-Samic possessive suffixes [1]
Case Person Number
Singular Dual Plural
Nominative 1st *-më *-mën *-m?k
2nd *-të *-tën *-t?k
3rd *-s? *-s?n *-s?k
Accusative 1st *-më *-mën *-m?k
2nd *-mtë *-mtën *-mt?k
3rd *-ms? *-ms?n *-ms?k
Oblique 1st *-në *-nën *-n?k
2nd *-ntë *-ntën *-nt?k
3rd *-ss? *-ss?n *-ss?k

Verb inflection

1st singular *-m *-jëm *-(k)?më
2nd singular *-k *-jëk *-k
3rd singular *-? *-j *-(k)?s?
1st dual *-j?n *-jmën *-(k)?mën
2nd dual ? *-jtën *-(k?)t?n
3rd dual *-p?n *-jkV- (West)
*-jnën (In)
1st plural *-p? *-jm?k *-(k)?m?k
2nd plural ? *-jt?k *-(k?)t?k
3rd plural *-j?k ? *-(k)?s?k
Connegative *-k - *-k
  • The conditional mood had the mood marker *-k- (cognate to the Estonian conditional marker -ks-), to which past tense endings were attached. In Western Samic, a new conditional mood was innovated, consisting of the connegative form of the verb joined to a past-tense form of the copula *leat?k.
  • The potential mood had the mood marker *-ë- (cognate to the Finnish conditional marker -isi-). It received present-tense endings.

The following non-finite forms were also present:

  • Infinitive *-t?k, identical with the Finnic ending *-dak.
  • Verbal noun *-m?, identical with the Finnic verbal noun suffix *-ma.
  • Present participle *-j?, originally an agent noun suffix, cognate to the Finnic agent noun suffix *-ja.
  • Past participle *-më or extended *-mëë. The extended form is identical with the Finnish verbal noun/"fourth infinitive" suffix *-minen ~ *-mice-.


The vocabulary reconstructible for Proto-Samic has been catalogued by Lehtiranta (1989), who records approximately 1500 word roots, for which either a pre-Samic ancestry is assured, or whose distribution across the Sami languages reaches at least from Lule Sami to Skolt Sami. Within this sample, loanwords from the Finnic and Scandinavian languages already constitute major subsets, numbering slightly over 150 and 100, respectively.


From Proto-Uralic

  • *a followed by *i > *o followed by *a.
  • > *a, a change shared with the Finnic and Mordvinic languages. This change counterfeeds the previous one.
  • > *i.
  • Loss of vowel harmony (if it existed). In non-initial syllables, front and back harmonic allophones collapsed into one: > *i and > *a.
  • * > *?, a development also shared with Finnic and Mordvinic.
  • *?, *? > *c, *s
  • Vowels are lengthened before *x.[2]
  • *?, *x > *?, *k before a vowel. *x is lost elsewhere.
  • *ns > *ss
  • *sj > *
  • *kj, *kl, *k? > *vj, *vl, *v?

This approximate point of Pre-Samic marks the introduction of the oldest Western Indo-European loanwords from Baltic and Germanic. Loans were also acquired from its southern relative Finnic, substituting the early Finnic sound *? with Samic *?. Likely contemporary to these were the oldest loanwords adapted from extinct Paleo-European substrate languages during the northwestward expansion of Pre-Samic. Prime suspects for words of this origin include replacements of Uralic core vocabulary, or words that display consonant clusters that cannot derive from either PU or any known Indo-European source. A number of the later type can be found in the Finnic languages as well.


  • PU *?e?ä > preS *?eca > PS *?eac? 'uncle'
  • PU *ümä > preS *?ima > PS *?ëm? 'glue'
  • PU *kïnta > preS *kanto(j) > PS *kuont?j 'tree stump'
  • PU *mexi- > preS *m?ki- > PS *miekë- 'to sell'
  • Baltic *?alna -> preS *salna > PS *suoln? 'frost'
  • Germanic *raudaz 'red' -> preS *rawta > PS *ruovt? 'iron'
  • Germanic *hansa- -> preS *kansa > PS *kuoss? 'guest'
  • Finnic *po?ja -> preS *po?ja > PS *poa 'rear'
  • substrate? -> preS *keðka > PS *keaðk? 'rock', in place of Uralic *kiwi
  • substrate? -> preS *mori or *mari > PS *muorë "wood", in place of Uralic *puwï or *puxï
  • substrate? -> preS *aVn > PS *vuosn 'perch' (cf. Finnish ahven)
  • substrate? -> preS *?ew?im > PS *sëvsëm 'feather' (cf. Finnish höyhen)

Later consonant changes mostly involved the genesis of the consonant gradation system, but also the simplification of various consonant clusters, chiefly in loanwords.

  • Geminate fricatives *ss, * were introduced in certain loanwords.
  • *? was denasalized before a heterorganic obstruent.
    • PU *jo?s? -> PS *juoksë 'bow'
    • PU *o?t? -> PS *vuovtë 'cavity'

Vowel shift

A fairly late but major development within Samic was a complete upheaval of the vowel system, which has been compared in scope to the Great Vowel Shift of English.

The previous changes left a system consisting of *i *e *ä *a *o *u in the first syllable in Pre-Samic, and probably at least long *? *? *?. In unstressed syllables, only *i *a *o were distinguished. The source of *o is unclear, although it is frequently also found in Finnic.

The table below shows the main correspondences:

Stressed syllables
Pre-Samic Proto-Samic
i ë
? i
e ea, ë (...ë)
? ea, ie (...ë)
ä () ?, ie (...ë)
a () uo
o () oa, uo (...ë), rarely o (...ë)
u o
? u
Unstressed syllables
Pre-Samic Proto-Samic
i ë
a ?, i (...j), ? (...ë)
o ?, u (...ë)

The processes that added up to this shift can be outlined as follows:

  1. Lowering: *i *u > *? *?, including unstressed *i.[3]
  2. Raising: *e > *? before a following *?. There are also irregular examples with *o > *? (for example *kolmi 'three' > *k?lmi > Proto-Samic *kolmë > Northern Sami golbma).
  3. All non-close vowels are lengthened: *e *ä *a *o > *? *? *? *?. If earlier long non-close vowels existed, they were merged with their short counterparts by this time.

At this point, the vowel system consisted of only two short vowels *? *? in initial syllables, alongside the full complement of long vowels *? *? *? *? *? *?. In non-initial syllables, the vowels were *? *? *?. After this, several metaphonic changes then occurred that rearranged the distribution of long vowels in stressed syllables.

  • *? *? *? > * *? * before *? and *?. This may indicate that second-syllable *? was a relatively open vowel such as [?:].[4]
  • *? *? > *? *? before *?.
  • *? > *? also elsewhere.

Sammallahti (1998:182-183) suggests the following four phases:

  1. Lowering of mid vowels before *? and *?.
  2. Raising of open vowels before *?, merging with the un-lowered mid vowels.
  3. Raising of remaining *?.
  4. Backing of remaining *?.

The inventory of long vowels in stressed syllables now featured seven members: *? *? * *? * *? *?. However, in native vocabulary *? * remained in complementary distribution: the closed-mid vowel only occurred before following *?, the open-mid vowel only before following *?, *?.

Further changes then shifted the sound values of the unstressed syllables that had conditioned the above shift:

  1. *?j > *?j, regardless of following vowels.
  2. *? > *?, unless followed by *? in a third or later syllable.
  3. *? > *u before *?.

Lastly, a number of unconditional shifts adjusted the sound values of the vowel phonemes.

  1. *? * * *? > *ie *ea *oa *uo, in initial syllables. Word initially, *ie *uo > *jie *vuo.
  2. *? *? > *ë *o. There likely was an intermediate *e for the first of these.[5]
  3. *? *? > *i *u.

To what extent the two last changes should be dated to Proto-Samic proper is unclear. Although all Sami languages show these changes in at least some words, in Southern Sami and Ume Sami earlier *?, *?, *?, *? are regularly reflected as ij, i, u, uv in stressed open syllables. It is possible that these are archaisms, and shortening and lowering occurred only after the initial division of Proto-Samic into dialects.[6][7] The effects of the vowel shift can be illustrated by the following comparison between Northern Sami, and Finnish, known for retaining vowel values very close to Proto-Uralic. All word pairs correspond to each other regularly:

(Post-)Proto-Uralic Proto-Samic Northern Sami Finnish Translation
*kixi- *kikë- gihkat kii-ma PU, PS, NS: 'to rut'
Fi: 'heat'
*nimi *nëmë namma nimi 'name'
*weri *vërë varra veri 'blood'
*mexi- *miekë- Skolt Sami:
'to sell'
*käti *kietë giehta käsi 'hand'
*polwï *puolvë buolva polvi 'knee'
*elä- *eal?- eallit elää 'to live'
*äjmä *?jm? ájbmi äimä 'large needle'
*kala *kuol? guolli kala 'fish'
*kalanï *kuol?në guollán kalani 'my fish'
*wolka *oalk? oalgi olka 'shoulder'
*wolkajta *oalkijt? olggiid olkia 'of shoulders'
*mu?a *mo moi muta 'mud'
*suxi- *sukë- suhkat sou-taa 'to row'

Towards the modern Sami languages

The main division among the Sami languages is the split between eastern and western Samic.

Changes that appear across the Eastern-Western divide are:

  • Denasalisation of clusters of nasal plus homorganic consonant to geminate voiced or partially voiced stops (all except Akkala, Kildin and Ter Sami). This appears to have originally been a Western Samic innovation that then spread to Inari and Skolt Sami, as it was still productive in those languages after the borrowing of certain words that escaped the process in Western Samic. For example, Finnish anteeksi was borrowed into Northern Sami as ándagassii after the change, thus with a newly-introduced nasal, while Inari Sami has addâgâs, borrowed before the change and thus lacking the nasal.
  • Preaspiration of single stops and affricates (all except Akkala, Kildin and Ter Sami).
  • Development of the rare phoneme *? to *t word-initially. Southern Sami and Ume Sami have *h instead.
  • Deaffrication of *c and *? before another consonant. This change occurred in a large area in the middle of the Sami area, with the outliers Southern, Akkala, Kildin, Ter and partly also Skolt Sami preserving the original affricates.

Western Samic

Innovations common to the Western Samic languages:

  • Pre-stopped or pre-glottalised nasals develop from original geminate nasals (not in Sea Sami).
  • Vocalisation of *? to *j before a stop (not in Sea Sami).
  • Metathesis and fortition of *?v to *vk.
  • Assimilation of *?m to *mm, which then becomes pre-stopped/pre-glottalised.
  • Merging of clusters of stop plus homorganic nasal with single nasals.

The Southern West Samic languages consist of Southern Sami and Ume Sami, and have a number of further innovations:[8]

  • Lengthening of short syllables, either by lengthening stressed *i *u to /ij uv/ in open syllables, or geminating single consonants after other short vowels.
  • Stressed *ë *o are raised to /i u/ in open syllables (in Ume Sami only if the next vowel is not ).
  • Reduction of consonant gradation. It is only partly present in Ume Sami, and entirely lost in Southern Sami.

The Northern West Samic languages consist of Pite Sami, Lule Sami and Northern Sami. They have one important common innovation:

  • Pre-stopped or pre-glottalised nasals develop also from strong-grade single nasals (not in Sea Sami).

Pite Sami and Lule Sami form their own smaller subgroup of shared innovations, which might be termed Northwestern West Samic:[9]

  • 2nd syllable is assimilated to /o/ after 1st syllable /o/.
  • The distinction between single and geminate stops (*p *pp etc.) is neutralized after the liquids /l/, /r/.

Northern Sami by itself has its own unique changes:

  • Change of *p to *k in clusters before a stop or sibilant.
  • Merging of accusative and genitive cases.
  • Merging of the inessive into the elative to form a common locative case, with the ending used depending on dialect.
  • Loss of the past tense of the negative verb, in favour of a construction using the present tense of the negative verb with the past participle (like Finnish).

Eastern Samic

The Eastern Samic languages have the following innovations:

  • Contraction of syllables before *n?.
  • Development of ? to v before another labial sonorant.
  • Merging of clusters of stop plus homorganic nasal with geminate nasals.

The Mainland East Samic languages, Inari Sami, Skolt Sami and Akkala Sami, share further innovations:[10]

  • Gemination of *s *? *c *? *k even in the weak grade.
  • Merging of unstressed *u with *.

Skolt and Akkala Sami moreover share:

  • Loss of final unstressed vowels.
  • Merging of * with *?.
  • Development of stressed *i *u to /e o/ under certain conditions.

Peninsular East (Kola) Samic, consisting of Kildin Sami and Ter Sami, share:[10]

  • Loss of *t after a consonant between unstressed syllables.


Feature South Ume Pite Lule North Inari Skolt Akkala Kildin Ter Notes
i, e, a a, o a (o, e) a ë
*?- h t
*k?C? kC vC vC (?C) vC Weak grade of clusters *k?t?, *k?c?, *k, *k?s?, *k
*?C jhC jhC (?C) ?C Clusters *?n, *?t, *?k
cC (sC)
?C (?C)
Clusters *ck, *?k, *?m
*?v *vg? vv
*?m *m: -> ?m ?m (m:) vm
*N?N? ?N ?N (N:) N: Weak grade of original geminate nasals
*N N: (?N) ?N ?N (N:) N: Strong grade of original single nasals
*PN N ?N ?N (N:) N: Clusters *pm, *tn
*rN rN rhN r?N, rhN rN
*NP BB BB NB Homorganic clusters *mp, *nt, *nc, *, *?k
*mP b?B (mB) b?B vB b?B mB Heterorganic clusters *mt, *m?, *mk
*nm, *mn BN (NN) BN NN
*P ?P: P: Strong grade of original single stops and affricates
*C? C: C: (C?) C: ?

Reflexes in parentheses are retentions found in certain subdialects. In particular, in the coastal dialects of North Sami (known as Sea Sami), several archaisms have been attested, including a lack of pre-stopping of geminate nasals, a lack of *?-vocalization, and a reflex /e/ of in certain positions. These likely indicate an earlier Eastern Samic substratum.


In the history of Proto-Samic, some sound changes were triggered or prevented by the nature of the vowel in the next syllable. Such changes continued to occur in the modern Sami languages, but differently in each. Due to the similarity with Germanic umlaut, these phenomena are termed "umlaut" as well.

The following gives a comparative overview of each possible Proto-Samic vowel in the first syllable, with the outcomes that are found in each language for each second-syllable vowel.

Long open
Outcomes of first-syllable *?
Second vowel *? *? *? *u *i
Southern aa ae aa åå ee
Ume á å? ä
Pite á ä
Lule á
Northern á
Inari á ä a
Skolt ä ä? a a?
Long open-mid
Outcomes of first-syllable *ea
Second vowel *? *? *? *u *i
Southern ea ie ïe ee
Ume eä, iä eä, ie eä, iä ?
Pite ä, ie e
Lule ä ie ä, e
Northern ea ?
Inari e
Skolt eä?, i ie?
Kildin ?
Outcomes of first-syllable *oa
Second vowel *? *? *? *u *i
Southern åa åe oe åå öö
Ume å? ? ?
Pite å? ?
Lule oa oa, å?
Northern oa ?
Inari o
Skolt uä?, u ue?
Kildin ?
  • In Ume Sami, appears before a quantity 3 consonant, or ie before a quantity 1 or 2 consonant.
  • In Pite Sami, ä appears before a quantity 3 consonant, ie before a quantity 1 or 2 consonant.
  • In Lule Sami, ä and oa appear before a quantity 3 consonant, e and å? before a quantity 1 or 2 consonant, if a short vowel follows.
  • In Skolt Sami, i and u appear before a quantity 2 consonant, eä? and uä? otherwise.
Long close-mid
Outcomes of first-syllable *ie
Second vowel *? *? *? *u *i
Southern ea ie ïe ?
Ume eä, iä eä, ie eä, iä ?
Pite ä, ie e
Lule ie
Northern ie ?
Inari ie
Skolt ie? iõ?
Kildin ?
Outcomes of first-syllable *uo
Second vowel *? *? *? *u *i
Southern ua åa ue oe åå öö
Ume ua ua ? ue
Pite ua, uo uä, uo ua, uo ?
Lule uo
Northern uo ?
Inari ye uo
Skolt ue? uõ?
Kildin ?, ? ? ?
  • In Ume Sami, appears before a quantity 3 consonant, before a quantity 1 or 2 consonant. Some dialects have a pattern more like Pite Sami, with ua or before a quantity 3 consonant, and uo or before a quantity 1 or 2 consonant.
  • In Pite Sami, ä and ua or appear before a quantity 3 consonant, ie and uo before a quantity 1 or 2 consonant.
  • In Lule Sami, original *ie does not undergo umlaut by regular sound change, but almost all e-stems have acquired umlaut by analogy with original *ea, as the two vowels fall together before original *?.
Short mid
Outcomes of first-syllable *ë
Second vowel *? *? *? *u *i
Southern a ä, å e a, ï o e
Ume a å e
Pite a i
Lule a
Northern a
Inari a o
Skolt â â? õ õ?
Kildin ? , ? , ?
Outcomes of first-syllable *o
Second vowel *? *? *? *u *i
Southern å u o, a o u
Ume å u ü
Pite å u
Lule å
Northern o
Inari o u
Skolt å å? o o?
Kildin , ? , ?,
Short close
Outcomes of first-syllable *i
Second vowel *? *? *? *u *i
Southern ä, ij ä i ïj y i
Ume ï i ï y i
Pite i
Lule i
Northern i
Inari i
Skolt e e? i i?
Kildin ?/?
Outcomes of first-syllable *u
Second vowel *? *? *? *u *i
Southern å, a å u o, ov o u
Ume u ü u ü
Pite u
Lule u
Northern u
Inari u
Skolt o u? u u?
Kildin ?
  • In Kildin Sami, ⟨?⟩ is written after the letter ⟨?⟩, ⟨?⟩ in all other cases.


  1. ^ Sammallahti 1998, p. 73.
  2. ^ Sammallahti 1998, p. 190.
  3. ^ Sammallahti 1998, pp. 181-182.
  4. ^ Sammallahti 1998, p. 181.
  5. ^ Sammallahti 1998, pp. 185-186.
  6. ^ Itkonen 1939, pp. 63-64.
  7. ^ Tálos, Endre (1987), "On the vowels of Proto-Uralic", in Rédei, Károly (ed.), Studien zur Phonologie und Morphonologie der uralischen Sprachen, Studia Uralica, 4
  8. ^ Sammallahti 1998, pp. 7-8.
  9. ^ Sammallahti 1998, p. 8.
  10. ^ a b Sammallahti 1998, p. 26.


  • Ante, Aikio (2004), "An Essay on Substrate Studies and the Origin of Saami", Mémoires de la Société Neophilologue de Helsinki, 63
  • Ante, Aikio (2006), "On Germanic-Saami contacts and Saami prehistory", Journal de la Société Finno-Ougrienne, 91: 9-55
  • Itkonen, Erkki (1939), Die Ostlappische Vokalismus vom qualitativen Standpunkt auf, Mémoires de la Société Finno-Ougrienne, 79
  • Korhonen, Mikko (1981), Johdatus lapin kielen historiaan, Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seuran toimituksia (in Finnish), 370, Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura
  • Korhonen, Mikko (1988), "The History of the Lapp language", in Sinor, Denis (ed.), The Uralic Languages, Leiden: Brill, pp. 264-287
  • Lehtiranta, Juhani (1989), Yhteissaamelainen sanasto, Mémoires de la Société Finno-Ougrienne, 200
  • Sammallahti, Pekka (1998), The Saami Languages: An Introduction, Davvi Girji

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