Ngô ?ình Di?m
|1st President of the Republic of Vietnam|
26 October 1955 - 1 November 1963
B?o i as Chief of the State of Vietnam
|Dng V?n Minh (as Chairman of the Military Revolutionary Council)|
|6th Prime Minister of the State of Vietnam|
26 June 1954 - 26 October 1955
|Prince B?u L?c|
|Nguy?n Ng?c Th? (as Prime Minister in 1963)|
|Born||3 January 1901|
Qu?ng Bình, French Indochina (present-day Vietnam)
|Died||2 November 1963 (aged 62)|
Saigon, South Vietnam
|Cause of death||Assassination (gunshot wounds)|
|Resting place||M?c nh Chi Cemetery|
|Political party||C?n Lao|
|Relations||Ngô ?ình Kh? (father)|
Ngô ?ình Khôi (brother)
Ngô ?ình Th?c (brother)
Ngô ?ình Nhu (brother)
Ngô ?ình C?n (brother)
Ngô ?ình Luy?n (brother)
|Education||School of Public Administration and Law|
Ngô ?ình Di?m ( or ;Vietnamese: [ ?ìn jî?m?] ; 3 January 1901 - 2 November 1963) was a Vietnamese politician. He was the final prime minister of the State of Vietnam (1954-55), and then served as President of South Vietnam (Republic of Vietnam) from 1955 until he was deposed and assassinated during the 1963 military coup.
Di?m was born into a prominent Catholic family, the son of a high-ranking civil servant, Ngô ?ình Kh?. He was educated at French-speaking schools and considered following his brother Ngô ?ình Th?c into the priesthood, but eventually chose to pursue a civil-service career. He progressed rapidly in the court of Emperor B?o i, becoming governor of Bình Thu?n Province in 1929 and interior minister in 1933. However, he resigned the latter position after three months and publicly denounced the emperor as a tool of the French. Di?m came to support Vietnamese nationalism, promoting an anti-communist and anti-colonialist "third way" opposed to both B?o i and communist leader H? Chí Minh. He established the Can Lao Party to support his political doctrine of Person Dignity Theory.
After several years in exile, Di?m returned home in July 1954 and was appointed prime minister by B?o i, the head of the Western-backed State of Vietnam. The Geneva Accords were signed soon after he took office, formally partitioning Vietnam along the 17th parallel. Di?m soon consolidated power in South Vietnam, aided by his brother Ngô ?ình Nhu. After a rigged referendum in 1955, he proclaimed the creation of the Republic of Vietnam, with himself as president. His government was supported by other anti-communist countries, most notably the United States. Di?m pursued a series of nation-building schemes, emphasising industrial and rural development. From 1957, he was faced with a communist insurgency backed by North Vietnam, eventually formally organized under the banner of the Vi?t C?ng. He was subject to a number of assassination and coup attempts, and in 1962 established the Strategic Hamlet Program as the cornerstone of his counterinsurgency effort.
Di?m's favoritism towards Catholics and persecution of South Vietnam's Buddhist majority led to the "Buddhist crisis" of 1963. The violence damaged relations with the United States and other previously sympathetic countries, and his regime lost favour with the leadership of the Army of the Republic of Vietnam. On 1 November 1963, the country's leading generals launched a coup d'état with assistance from the CIA. He and his younger brother Nhu initially escaped, but were recaptured the following day and assassinated on the orders of Dng V?n Minh, who succeeded him as president. Di?m has been a controversial historical figure in historiography on the Vietnam War. Some historians have considered him a tool of the United States, while others portrayed him as an avatar of Vietnamese tradition. Some recent studies have portrayed Di?m from a more Vietnamese-centred perspective as a competent leader focused on nation building and the modernisation of South Vietnam.[page needed]
Ngô ?ình Di?m was born in 1901 in Qu?ng Bình, a province in central Vietnam. His family originated in Phú Cam Village, a Catholic village adjacent to Hu? City. His clan had been among Vietnam's earliest Catholic converts in the 17th century. Di?m was given a saint's name at birth, Gioan Baotixita (a Vietnamized form of Jean Baptiste), following the custom of the Catholic Church. The Ngô-?ình family suffered under the anti-Catholic persecutions of Emperors Minh M?ng and T? c. In 1880, while Di?m's father, Ngô ?ình Kh? (1850-1925), was studying in British Malaya, an anti-Catholic riot led by Buddhist monks almost wiped out the Ngô-?ình clan. Over 100 of the Ngô clan were "burned alive in a church including Kh?'s parents, brothers, and sisters."
Ngô ?ình Kh? was educated in a Catholic school in British Malaya, where he learned English and studied the European-style curriculum. He was a devout Catholic and scrapped plans to become a Roman Catholic priest in the late 1870s. He worked for the commander of the French armed forces as an interpreter and took part in campaigns against anti-colonial rebels in the mountains of Tonkin during 1880. He rose to become a high-ranking Mandarin, the first headmaster of the National Academy in Hu? (founded in 1896) and a counselor to Emperor Thành Thái under the French colonial regime. He was appointed minister of the rites and chamberlain and keeper of the eunuchs. Despite his collaboration with the French colonizers, Kh? was "motivated less by Francophilia than by certain reformist ambitions". Like Phan Châu Trinh, Kh? believed that independence from France could be achieved only after changes in Vietnamese politics, society and culture had occurred. In 1907, after the ouster of emperor Thành Thái, Kh? resigned his appointments, withdrew from the imperial court, and became a farmer in the countryside.
After the tragedy of his family, Kh? decided to abandon preparation for the priesthood and married. After his first wife died childless, Kh? remarried and had twelve children with his second wife, Ph?m Th? Thân (in a period of twenty-three years) of whom nine survived infancy - six sons and three daughters. These were Ngô ?ình Khôi, Ngô ?ình Th? Giao, Ngô ?ình Th?c, Ngô ?ình Di?m, Ngô ?ình Th? Hi?p, Ngô ?ình Th? Hoàng, Ngô ?ình Nhu, Ngô ?ình C?n and Ngô ?ình Luy?n. As a devout Roman Catholic, Kh? took his entire family to Mass each morning and encouraged his sons to study for the priesthood. Having learned both Latin and classical Chinese, Kh? strove to make sure his children were well educated in both Christian scriptures and Confucian classics. During his childhood, Di?m laboured in the family's rice fields while studying at a French Catholic primary school (Pellerin School) in Hu?, and later entered a private school started by his father, where he studied French, Latin, and classical Chinese. At the age of fifteen he briefly followed his elder brother, Ngô ?ình Th?c, who would become Vietnam's highest-ranking Catholic bishop, into seminary. Di?m swore himself to celibacy to prove his devotion to his faith, but found monastic life too rigorous and decided not to pursue a clerical career. According to Moyar, Di?m's personality was too independent to adhere to the discipline of the Church, while Jarvis recalls Ngô ?ình Th?c's ironic observation that the Church was "too worldly" for Di?m. Di?m also inherited his father's antagonism toward the French colonialists who occupied his country.
At the end of his secondary schooling at Lycée Qu?c h?c, the French lycée in Hu?, Diem's outstanding examination results elicited the offer of a scholarship to study in Paris. He declined and, in 1918, enrolled at the prestigious School of Public Administration and Law in Hanoi, a French school that prepared young Vietnamese to serve in the colonial administration. It was there that he had the only romantic relationship of his life, when he fell in love with one of his teacher's daughters. After she chose to persist with her vocation, entering a convent, he remained celibate for the rest of his life. Di?m's family background and education, especially Catholicism and Confucianism, had influences on his life and career, on his thinking on politics, society, and history. According to Miller, Di?m "displayed Christian piety in everything from his devotional practices to his habit of inserting references to the Bible into his speeches"; he also enjoyed showing off his knowledge of classical Chinese texts.
After graduating at the top of his class in 1921, Di?m followed in the footsteps of his eldest brother, Ngô ?ình Khôi, joining the civil service in Th?a Thiên as a junior official. Starting from the lowest rank of mandarin, Di?m steadily rose over the next decade. He first served at the royal library in Hu?, and within one year was the district chief in both Th?a Thiên and nearby Qu?ng Tr? province, presiding over seventy villages. Di?m was promoted to be a provincial chief (Tu?n ph?) in Ninh Thu?n at the age of 28, overseeing 300 villages.
During his career as a mandarin, Di?m was known for his workaholism and incorruptibility, and as a Catholic leader and nationalist. Catholic nationalism in Vietnam during the 1920s and 1930s facilitated Di?m's ascent in his bureaucratic career. Di?m's rise was also facilitated through Ngô ?ình Khôi's marriage to the daughter of Nguy?n H?u Bài (1863-1935), the Catholic head of the Council of Ministers at the Hu? court and also supported the indigenization of the Vietnamese Church and more administrative powers to the monarchy.Nguy?n H?u Bài was highly regarded among the French, and Di?m's religious and family ties impressed him and he became Di?m's patron. The French were impressed by his work ethic but were irritated by his frequent calls to grant more autonomy to Vietnam. Di?m replied that he contemplated resigning but encouragement from the populace convinced him to persist. In 1925, he first encountered communists distributing propaganda while riding horseback through the region near Qu?ng Tr?. Revolted by calls for violent socialist revolution contained in the propaganda leaflets, Di?m involved himself in anti-communist activities for the first time, printing his own pamphlets.
In 1929, he was promoted to the governorship of Bình Thu?n Province and was known for his work ethic. In 1930 and 1931, he helped the French suppress the first peasant revolts organized by the communists. According to Fall, Di?m put the revolution down because he thought it could not sweep out the French, but might threaten the leadership of the mandarins. In 1933, with the ascension of B?o i to the throne, Di?m accepted B?o i's invitation to be his interior minister following lobbying by Nguy?n H?u Bài. Soon after his appointment, Di?m headed a commission to advise on potential administration reforms. After calling for the French to introduce a Vietnamese legislature and many other political reforms, he resigned after three months in office when his proposals were rejected. Di?m denounced Emperor B?o i as "nothing but an instrument in the hands of the French," and renounced his decorations and titles from B?o i. The French then threatened him with arrest and exile.
For the next decade, Di?m lived as a private citizen with his family in Hu?, although he was kept under surveillance. He spent his time reading, meditating, attending church, gardening, hunting, and in amateur photography. Di?m also conducted extensive nationalist activities during those 21 years, engaging in meetings and correspondence with various leading Vietnamese revolutionaries, such as his friend, Phan B?i Châu, a Vietnamese anti-colonial activist, whom Di?m respected for his knowledge of Confucianism and argued that Confucianism's teachings could be applied to a modern Vietnam. With the start of the World War II in the Pacific, seeing an opportunity for Vietnam to challenge French colonization, he attempted to persuade the Japanese forces to declare independence for Vietnam in 1942 but was ignored. Di?m also tried to establish relationships with Japanese diplomats, army officers, and intelligence operatives who supported Vietnam's independence. In 1943, Di?m's Japanese friends helped him to contact Prince Cng , an anti-colonial activist, who was in exile in Japan. After contacting Cng , Di?m formed a secret political party, the Association for the Restoration of Great Vietnam (Vi?t Nam i Vi?t Ph?c H?ng H?i), which was dominated by his Catholic allies in Hue. When its existence was discovered in the summer of 1944, the French declared Di?m to be a subversive and ordered his arrest. He flew to Saigon under Japanese military protection, staying there until the end of WWII.
In 1945, after the coup against French colonial rule, the Japanese offered Di?m the post of prime minister in the Empire of Vietnam under B?o i, which they organized on leaving the country. He declined initially, but reconsidered his decision and attempted to reverse the refusal. However, B?o i had already given the post to Tr?n Tr?ng Kim. In September 1945, after the Japanese withdrawal, H? Chí Minh proclaimed the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, and in the Northern half of Vietnam, his Vi?t Minh began fighting the French. Di?m attempted to travel to Hu? to dissuade B?o i from joining H?, but was arrested by the Vi?t Minh along the way and exiled to a highland village near the border. He might have died of malaria, dysentery, and influenza had the local tribesmen not nursed him back to health. Six months later, he was taken to meet H?, who recognized Di?m's virtues and, wanting to extend the support for his new government, asked Di?m to be minister of the interior. Di?m refused to join the Vi?t Minh, assailing H? for the murder of his brother Ngô ?ình Khôi by Vi?t Minh cadres.
During the Indochina War, Di?m and other non-communist nationalists had to face a dilemma: they did not want to restore colonial rule and did not want to support the Vi?t Minh. Di?m proclaimed his neutrality and attempted to establish a Third Force movement that was both anti-colonialist and anti-communist In 1947, he became the founder and chief of the National Union Bloc (Kh?i Qu?c Gia Liên Hi?p) and then folded it into the Vietnam National Rally (Vi?t Nam Qu?c Gia Liên Hi?p), which united non-communist Vietnamese nationalists. He also established relationships with some leading Vietnamese anti-communists like Nguy?n Tôn Hoàn (1917-2001), a fellow Catholic and political activist. His other allies and advisors were dominated by Catholics, especially his family members and their friends.
Di?m also secretly maintained contact with high-ranking leaders of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, attempting to convince them to leave H? Chí Minh's government and join him. At the same time, he lobbied French colonial officials for a "true independence" for Vietnam, Di?m was disappointed when in June 1948, B?o i signed an agreement to grant Vietnam status as an "associated state" within the French Union, which allowed France to maintain its diplomatic, economic, and military policies in Vietnam. In the meantime, the French had created the State of Vietnam and Di?m refused B?o i's offer to become the Prime Minister. On 16 June 1949, he then published a new manifesto in newspapers proclaiming a third force different from Vietminh and B?o i, but it raised little interest and further, his statement provided evidence to both the French and Vi?t Minh that Di?m was a dangerous rival. In 1950, the Vi?t Minh lost patience and sentenced him to death in absentia, and the French refused to protect him. H? Chí Minh's cadres tried to assassinate him while he was traveling to visit his elder brother Th?c, bishop of the V?nh Long diocese in the Mekong Delta. Recognizing his political status, Di?m decided to leave Vietnam in 1950.
According to Miller, during his early career, there were at least three ideologies which influenced Di?m's social and political views in the 1920s and 1930s. The first of these was Catholic nationalism, which Di?m inherited from his family's tradition, especially from Bishop Ngô ?ình Th?c, his brother, and Nguy?n H?u Bài, who advised him to "return the seal" in 1933 to oppose French policies. The second was Di?m's understanding of Confucianism, especially through his friendship with Phan B?i Châu who argued that Confucianism's teachings could be applied to a modern Vietnam. Lastly, instructed by Ngô ?ình Nhu, Di?m began to examine Personalism, which originated from French Catholicism's philosophy and then applied this doctrine as the main ideology of his regime.
Di?m applied for permission to travel to Rome for the Holy Year celebrations at the Vatican. After gaining French permission, he left in August 1950 with his older brother, Bishop Ngô ?ình Th?c. Before going to Europe, Di?m went to Japan, where he met with Prince Cng , his former ally, and discussed Cng 's efforts to return to Vietnam and his capacity to play some roles in his homeland. Di?m's friend also managed to organize a meeting between him and Wesley Fishel, an American political science professor at the University of California, who was working for the CIA in Japan. Fishel was a proponent of the anti-colonial, anti-communist third force doctrine in Asia and was impressed with Di?m and helped him organize connections in the United States. In 1951, Di?m flew to the United States to seek the support of government officials. Nevertheless, Di?m was not successful in winning US support for Vietnamese anti-communists.
In Rome, Di?m obtained an audience with Pope Pius XII at the Vatican before undertaking further lobbying across Europe. He also met with French and Vietnamese officials in Paris and sent a message indicating that he was willing to be the Prime Minister of the State of Vietnam to B?o i. But B?o i then refused to meet him. Di?m returned to the United States to continue building support among Americans. Nonetheless, to Americans, the fact that Di?m was an anti-communist was not enough to distinguish him from B?o i and other State of Vietnam leaders. Some American officials worried that his devout Catholicism could hinder his ability to mobilize support in a predominantly non-Catholic country. Di?m recognized that concern and broadened his lobbying efforts to include a development focus in addition to anti-communism and religious factors. Di?m was motivated by the knowledge that the US was enthusiastic in applying their technology and knowledge to modernize postcolonial countries. With the help of Fishel, then at Michigan State University (MSU), Di?m was appointed as a consultant to MSU's Government Research Bureau. MSU was administering government-sponsored assistance programs for cold war allies, and Di?m helped Fishel to lay the foundation for a program later implemented in South Vietnam, the Michigan State University Vietnam Advisory Group.
The Americans' assessments of Di?m were varied. Some were unimpressed with him, some admired him. Di?m gained favor with some high-ranking officials, such as Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas, Roman Catholic cardinal Francis Spellman, Representative Mike Mansfield of Montana, and Representative John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts along with numerous journalists, academics, and the legendary spy chief of the CIA William J. Donovan. Although he did not succeed in winning official support from the US, his personal interactions with American political leaders promised the prospect of gaining more support in the future. Mansfield remembered after the luncheon with Di?m held on 8 May 1953, he felt that "if anyone could hold South Vietnam, it was somebody like Ngô ?ình Di?m".
During Di?m's exile, his brothers Nhu, C?n, and Luy?n played important roles in helping him build international and internal networks and support in different ways for his return to Vietnam. In the early 1950s, Nhu established the C?n Lao Party, which played a key role in helping Di?m attain and consolidate his power.
Until 1953, the State of Vietnam was nominally independent from Paris. Since dissatisfaction with France and B?o i was rising among non-communist nationalists, and support from non-communist nationalists and Di?m's allies was rising for his "true independence" point of view, Di?m sensed that it was time for him to come to power in Vietnam.
In early 1954, B?o i offered Di?m the position of Prime Minister in the new government in Vietnam. In May 1954, the French surrendered at ?i?n Biên Ph? and the Geneva Conference began in April 1954. On 16 June 1954, Di?m met with B?o i in France and agreed to be the Prime Minister if B?o i would give him military and civilian control. On 25 June 1954, Di?m returned from exile, arriving at Tân S?n Nh?t airport in Saigon. On 7 July 1954, Di?m established his new government with a cabinet of 18 people.
In the first period of his premiership, Di?m did not have much power in the government; he lacked control of the military and police forces, and the civil system's key positions were still held by French officials. He also could not control the Bank of Indochina. Besides, Di?m had to face massive obstacles: refugee issues; the French colonists wanting to remove Di?m to protect France's interest in South Vietnam; general Nguy?n V?n Hinh, a Francophile, the leader of National Army was ready to oust Di?m; the leaders of the Hòa H?o and Cao ?ài sectarian armies wanted positions in Di?m's cabinet and complete administrative control over the areas in which they had large numbers of followers; and the major threat of Bình Xuyên, an organized crime syndicate that controlled the National Police led by Lê V?n Vi?n, whose power was focused in Saigon In summer 1954, the three organizations controlled approximately one-third of the territory and population of South Vietnam. In that situation, besides his own political skills, Di?m had to trust in his relatives and the backing of his American supporters to overcome the obstacles and neutralize his opponents.
On 21 July 1954, the Geneva Accords temporarily partitioned Vietnam at the 17th parallel, pending elections in 1956 to reunify the country. The Democratic Republic of Vietnam controlled the north, while the French-backed State of Vietnam controlled the south with Di?m as the Prime Minister. Di?m criticized the French for abandoning North Vietnam to the Communists at Geneva, claimed that the terms did not represent the will of the Vietnamese people, and refused French suggestions to include more pro-French officials in the government.
The Geneva Accords allowed for freedom of movement between the two zones until October 1954; this put a large strain on the south. Di?m had only expected 10,000 refugees, but by August, there were more than 200,000 waiting for evacuation from Hanoi and H?i Phòng. Nevertheless, the migration helped to strengthen Di?m's political base of support. To deal with the refugee situation, Diem's government arranged for their relocation into fertile and under-populated provinces in the western Mekong Delta. The Di?m regime also provided them with food and shelter, farm tools, and housing material. The government also dug irrigation canals, built dikes, and dredged swamp-lands to help stabilise their lives.
In August 1954, Di?m also had to face the "Hinh crisis" when Nguy?n V?n Hinh launched a series of public attacks on Di?m, proclaiming that South Vietnam needed a "strong and popular" leader. Hinh also bragged that he was preparing a coup. However, at the end of 1954, Di?m successfully forced Hinh to resign from his post. Hinh had to flee to Paris and hand over his command of the national army to general Nguy?n V?n Vy. But the National Army officers favoured Di?m's leadership over General Vy, which forced him to flee to Paris. Despite the failure of Hinh's alleged coup, the French continued to encourage Di?m's enemies in an attempt to destabilize him.
On 31 December 1954, Di?m established the National Bank of Vietnam and replaced the Indochinese banknotes with new Vietnamese banknotes. In early 1955, although American advisors encouraged Di?m to negotiate with the leaders of the political-religious forces who threatened to overthrow his position and to forge an anti-communist bloc, he was determined to attack his enemies to consolidate his power. In April 1955, Di?m's army forces took most of Bình Xuyên's posts in Saigon after a victory in the Battle of Saigon. Within a few months, Di?m's troops wiped out the Bình Xuyên's remnants, leaving only a few small bands, who then joined forces with the communists. The failure of Bình Xuyên marked the end of French efforts to remove Di?m. After the defeat of Bình Xuyên, the authority and prestige of Di?m's government increased. Most of the Cao ?ài leaders chose to rally to Di?m's government. Di?m then dismantled the private armies of the Cao ?ài and Hòa H?o religious sects. By the end of 1955, Di?m had almost taken control of South Vietnam, and his government was stronger than ever before. In April 1956, along with the capture of Ba C?t, the leader of the last Hòa H?o rebels, Di?m almost subdued all of his non-communist enemies, and could focus on his Vietnamese communist opponents. According to Miller, Di?m's capacity in subduing his enemies and consolidating his power strengthened US support of his government, although the US government had planned to withdraw its backing from Di?m during his early difficult years of leadership.
In South Vietnam, a referendum was scheduled for 23 October 1955 to determine the future direction of the south, in which the people would choose Di?m or B?o i as the leader of South Vietnam. During the election, Di?m's brother Ngô ?ình Nhu and the C?n Lao Party supplied Di?m's electoral base in organizing and supervising the elections, especially the propaganda campaign for destroying B?o i's reputation. Supporters of B?o i were not allowed to campaign, and were physically attacked by Nhu's workers. Official results showed 98.2 per cent of voters favoured Di?m, an implausibly high result that was condemned as fraudulent. The total number of votes far exceeded the number of registered voters by over 380,000, further evidence that the referendum was heavily rigged. For example, only 450,000 voters were registered in Saigon, but 605,025 were said to have voted for Di?m.
On 26 October 1955, Di?m proclaimed the formation of the Republic of Vietnam, with himself as its first President, although only until 26 October 1956. The first Constitution provided articles to establish the republic and organize the election of its president. The 1954 Geneva Accords prescribed elections to reunify the country in 1956. Di?m refused to hold these elections, claiming that a free election was not possible in the North. According to Taylor, Di?m's rejection of the Geneva accords was a way of objecting to the French colonization of Vietnam. Di?m's disposition of B?o i and the establishment of the First Republic of Vietnam was a way to claim Vietnamese independence from France. At the same time, the first Constitution of the Republic of Vietnam was promulgated. According to the Constitution, Di?m had almost absolute power over South Vietnam. His governance style became increasingly dictatorial over time.
Di?m's rule was authoritarian and nepotistic. His most trusted official was Nhu, leader of the primary pro-Di?m Can Lao political party, who was an opium addict and admirer of Adolf Hitler. He modeled the Can Lao secret police's marching style and torture styles on Nazi designs. C?n was put in charge of the former Imperial City of Hu?. Although neither C?n or Nhu held any official role in the government, they ruled their regions of South Vietnam, commanding private armies and secret police. His youngest brother Luy?n, was appointed Ambassador to the United Kingdom. His elder brother, Ngô ?ình Th?c, was the archbishop of Hu?. Despite this, Thuc lived in the Presidential Palace, along with Nhu, Nhu's wife and Di?m. Di?m was nationalistic, devoutly Catholic, anti-Communist, and preferred the philosophies of personalism and Confucianism.
Di?m's rule was also pervaded by family corruption. Can was widely believed to be involved in illegal smuggling of rice to North Vietnam on the black market and opium throughout Asia via Laos, as well as monopolising the cinnamon trade, amassing a fortune stored in foreign banks. With Nhu, Can competed for U.S. contracts and rice trade. Thuc, the most powerful religious leader in the country, was allowed to solicit "voluntary contributions to the Church" from Saigon businessmen, which was likened to "tax notices". Thuc also used his position to acquire farms, businesses, urban real estate, rental property and rubber plantations for the Catholic Church. He also used Army of the Republic of Vietnam personnel to work on his timber and construction projects. The Nhus amassed a fortune by running numbers and lottery rackets, manipulating currency and extorting money from Saigon businesses. Luyen became a multimillionaire by speculating in piasters and pounds on the currency exchange using inside government information.
The Can Lao Party played a key role in Di?m's regime. Initially, the party acted secretly based on a network of cells, and each member only knew the identities of a few other members. When necessary, the Party could assume the role of the government. After 1954, the existence of the party was recognized, but its activities were hidden from public view. In the early 1950s, Di?m and Nhu used the party to mobilize support for Di?m's political movements. According to the decree 116/BNV/CT of the Republic of Vietnam, the Can Lao Party was established on 2 September 1954. Personalism (Vietnamese: Ch? ngh?a nhân v?) officially became the basic doctrine of Di?m's regime since the Constitution's preface declared that "Building Politics, Economy, Society, Culture for the people based on respecting Personalism".
According to Miller, democracy, to Di?m, was rooted in his dual identity as Confucian and Catholic, and was associated with communitarianism and the doctrine of Personalism. He defined democracy as "a social ethos based on certain sense of moral duty", not in the US sense of "political right" or political pluralism and in the context of an Asian country like Vietnam, Confucian values were relevant to deal with contemporary problems in politics, governance, and social change. In this sense, Di?m was not a reactionary mandarin lacking an interest in democracy as he has been portrayed by some scholars. His way of thinking about democracy became a key factor of his approach to political and administrative reform. On 4 March 1956, the elections for the first National Assembly were held. On this occasion, non-government candidates were allowed to campaign, but the government retained the right to ban candidates deemed to be linked to the communists or other 'rebel' groups, and campaign material was screened. The police were also used to intimidate opposition candidates, and military personnel were driven around to cast multiple ballots for regime members.
However, Di?m's regime of "democratic one man rule" faced increasing difficulties. After coming under pressure from within Vietnam and from the United States, Di?m agreed to hold legislative elections in August 1959 for South Vietnam. But in reality, newspapers were not allowed to publish names of independent candidates or their policies, and political meetings exceeding five people were prohibited. Candidates who ran against government-supported opponents faced harassment and intimidation. In rural areas, candidates who ran were threatened using charges of conspiracy with the Vi?t C?ng, which carried the death penalty. Phan Quang ?án, the government's most prominent critic, was allowed to run. Despite the deployment of 8,000 ARVN plainclothes troops into his district to vote, ?án still won by a ratio of six to one. The busing of soldiers to vote for regime approved candidates occurred across the country. When the new assembly convened, ?án was arrested.
In May 1961, U.S. Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson visited Saigon and enthusiastically declared Di?m the "Winston Churchill of Asia." Asked why he had made the comment, Johnson replied, "Di?m's the only boy we got out there." Johnson assured Di?m of more aid in molding a fighting force that could resist the communists.
During his presidency, Di?m imposed programs to reform Saigon society in accordance with Catholic and Confucian values. Brothels and opium dens were closed, divorce and abortion were made illegal, and adultery laws were strengthened. Additionally, Di?m's government established many schools and universities, such as the National Technical Center at Phú Th? in 1957, the University of Saigon (1956), the University of Hue (1957), and the University of Dalat (1957).
During Di?m's rule setting up a democratic basis and to promote a rural and material rearmament among the people". The Civic Action was considered a practical tool of Di?m's government to serve "the power vacuum" and make a rural influence for Di?m's government in countryside due to the departure of Vi?t Minh cadres after the Geneva Accords (1954).
Steward's study provides a clearer picture of Di?m's domestic policies and a further understanding of his government's efforts in reaching and connecting with local communities in South Vietnam that shows "an indigenous initiative" of the government in building an independent and viable nation.
Land Reform: In South Vietnam, especially in Mekong Delta, landholdings in rural areas were concentrated in small number of rich landlord families. Thus, it was urgent to implement land reform in South Vietnam. Di?m had two attempts to control the excesses of the land tenancy system by promulgating the Ordinance 2 on 28 January 1955 to reduce land rent between 15% to 25% of the average harvest and the Ordinance 7 on 5 February 1955 to protect the rights of tenants on new and abandoned land and enhancing cultivation. In October 1956, with the urge from Wolf Ladejinsky, Di?m's personal adviser on agrarian reform, Di?m promulgated a more serious ordinance on the land reform, in which he proclaimed a "land to the tiller" (not to be confused with other Land reform in South Vietnam like Nguy?n V?n Thi?u's later 'Land to the Tiller" program) program to put a relatively high 100 hectares limit on rice land and 15 hectares for ancestral worship. However, this measure had no real effect because many landlords evaded the redistribution by transferring the property to the name of family members. Besides, during the 1946-54 war against the French Union forces, the Vi?t Minh had gained control of parts of southern Vietnam, initiated land reform, confiscated landlords' land and distributed it to the peasants. Additionally, the ceiling limit was more than 30 times that allowed in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan, and the 370,000 acres (1,500 km2) of the Catholic Church's landownings in Vietnam were exempted. The political, social, and economic influences of the land reform was minimal. From 1957 to 1963, only 50 percent of expropriated land was redistributed, and only 100,000 out of approximately one million tenant farmers in South Vietnam benefited from the reform.
Resettlement: According to Miller, Di?m, who described tenant farmers as a "real proletariat" and pursued the goal of "middle peasantization", was not a beholden to large landowners, instead of vigorously implementing Land Reform, Di?m had his own vision in Vietnamese rural development based on resettlement, which focused on redistribution of people (rather than land), could reduce overpopulation and lead to many benefits in socio-economic transformation as well as military affairs and security, especially anti-communist infiltration. Moreover, Di?m was ambitious to envision Resettlement as a tactic to practice the government's ideological goals. The differences between the US and Di?m over nation building in countryside shaped the clashes in their alliance.
The Cái S?n resettlement project: In late 1955, with the help of US material support and expertise, Di?m's government implemented the project Cái S?n in An Giang province, which aimed to resettle one hundred thousand northern refugees.
Land Development program (Khu dinh ?i?n): In early 1957, Di?m started a new program called the Land Development to relocate poor inhabitants, demobilized soldiers, and minority ethnic groups in central and southern Vietnam into abandoned or unused land in Mekong Delta and Central Highlands, and cultivating technological and scientific achievements to transform South Vietnam and ensure security and prevent communist infiltration. Di?m believed that the program would help improve civilians' lives, teach them the values of being self-reliant and hard working. At the end of 1963, the program had built more than two hundred settlements for a quarter of a million people. Nevertheless, the lacks of conditions in these areas along with the corruption and mercilessness of local officials failed the program.
Agroville program (khu trù m?t): During late 1959 and early 1960, motivated by the idea of population regroupment, Di?m introduced the Agroville Program, which he intended to physically relocate residents who lived in remote and isolated regions in Mekong delta into new settlements in "dense and prosperous areas"--proposing to offer them urban modernity and amenities without leaving their farms, and to keep them far away from the communists. Nonetheless, by late 1960, Di?m had to admit that the program's objective failed since the residents were not happy with the program and the communists infiltrated it, and he had to discard it.
According to Miller, the disagreement between the US and Di?m over agrarian reform made their alliance "move steadily from bad to worse".
During his presidency, Di?m strongly focused on his central concern: internal security to protect his regime as well as maintain order and social change: staunch anti-subversion and anti-rebellion policies. After the Bình Xuyên was defeated and the Hòa H?o, Cao ?ài were subdued, Di?m concentrated on his most serious threat: the communists. Di?m's main measures for internal security were threats, punishment and intimidation. According to Gabriel Kolko about 12,000 suspected opponents of Di?m were killed between 1955 and 1957 and by the end of 1958 an estimated 40,000 political prisoners had been jailed.
By the end of 1959, Di?m was able to entirely control each family and the communists had to suffer their "darkest period" in their history. Membership declined by two thirds and they had almost no power in the countryside of South Vietnam. Di?m's repression extended beyond communists to anti-communist dissidents and anti-corruption whistleblowers. In 1956, after the "Anti-Communist Denunciation Campaign", Di?m issued Ordinance No. 6, which placed anyone who was considered a threat to the state and public order in jail or house arrest.
Nevertheless, Di?m's hard policies led to fear and resentment in many quarters in South Vietnam and negatively affected his relations with the US in terms of counter-insurgent methods. On 22 February 1957, when Di?m delivered a speech at an agricultural fair in Buôn Ma Thu?t, a communist named Hà Minh Tri attempted to assassinate the president. He approached Di?m and fired a pistol from close range, but missed, hitting the Secretary for Agrarian Reform's left arm. The weapon jammed and security overpowered Tri before he was able to fire another shot. Di?m was unmoved by the incident. The assassination attempt was the desperate response of the communists to Di?m's relentless anti-communist policies.
As opposition to Di?m's rule in South Vietnam grew, a low-level insurgency began to take shape there in 1957. Finally, in January 1959, under pressure from southern Viet Cong cadres who were being successfully targeted by Di?m's secret police, Hanoi's Central Committee issued a secret resolution authorizing the use of armed insurgency in the South with supplies and troops from the North. On 20 December 1960, under instructions from Hanoi, southern communists established the Viet Cong (NLF) in order to overthrow the government of the south. On 11 November 1960, "a failed coup attempt against President Ngô ?ình Di?m of South Vietnam was led by Lieutenant Colonel Vng V?n ?ông and Colonel Nguy?n Chánh Thi of the Airborne Division of the ARVN (ARVN)". There was a further attempt to assassinate Di?m and his family in February 1962 when two air force officers--acting in unison--bombarded the Presidential Palace.
In 1962, the cornerstone of Di?m's counterinsurgency effort - the Strategic Hamlet Program (Vietnamese: ?p Chi?n lc), "the last and most ambitious of Diem's government's nation building schemes", was implemented, calling for the consolidation of 14,000 villages of South Vietnam into 11,000 secure hamlets, each with its own houses, schools, wells, and watchtowers supported by South Vietnamese government. The hamlets were intended to isolate the National Liberation Front (NLF) from the villages, their source for recruiting soldiers, supplies, and information, and to transform the countryside. In the end, because of many shortcomings, the Strategic Hamlet Program was not as successful as had been expected and was cancelled after the assassination of Di?m. However, according to Miller, the program created a remarkable turnabout in Di?m's regime in their war against communism.
In a country where surveys of the religious composition estimated the Buddhist majority to be between 70% and 90%, Di?m's policies generated claims of religious bias. Diem was widely regarded by historians as having pursued pro-Catholic policies that antagonized many Buddhists. Specifically, the government was regarded as being biased towards Catholics in public service and military promotions, as well as the allocation of land, business favors and tax concessions. Di?m also once told a high-ranking officer, forgetting that he was a Buddhist, "Put your Catholic officers in sensitive places. They can be trusted." Many officers in the Army of the Republic of Vietnam converted to Catholicism in the belief that their military prospects depended on it. The distribution of weapons to village self-defense militias intended to repel Vi?t C?ng guerrillas saw weapons only given to Catholics. Some Buddhist villages converted en masse to Catholicism in order to receive aid or to avoid being forcibly resettled by Di?m's regime, with Buddhists in the army being denied promotion if they refused to convert to Catholicism. Some Catholic priests ran their own private armies, and in some areas forced conversions, looting, shelling and demolition of pagodas occurred.
The Catholic Church was the largest landowner in the country, and the "private" status imposed on Buddhism by the French required official permission to conduct public Buddhist activities and was never repealed by Di?m. Catholics were also de facto exempt from the corvée labor that the government obliged all citizens to perform; US aid was disproportionately distributed to Catholic-majority villages. The land owned by the Catholic Church was exempt from land reform. Under Di?m, the Catholic Church enjoyed special exemptions in property acquisition, and in 1959, Di?m dedicated his country to the Virgin Mary. The white and gold Vatican flag was regularly flown at all major public events in South Vietnam. The newly constructed Hue and Dalat universities were placed under Catholic authority to foster a Catholic-skewed academic environment. Nonetheless, Di?m had contributed to Buddhist communities in South Vietnam by giving them permission to carry out activities that were banned by French and supported money for Buddhist schools, ceremonies, and building more pagodas. Among the eighteen members of Di?m's cabinet, there were five Catholics, five Confucians, and eight Buddhists, including a vice-president and a foreign minister. Only three of the top nineteen military officials were Catholics.
The regime's relations with the United States worsened during 1963, as discontent among South Vietnam's Buddhist majority was simultaneously heightened. In May, in the heavily Buddhist central city of Hu?, where Di?m's elder brother was the Catholic Archbishop, the Buddhist majority was prohibited from displaying Buddhist flags during Vesak celebrations commemorating the birth of Gautama Buddha when the government cited a regulation prohibiting the display of non-government flags. A few days earlier, however, white and yellow Catholic papal flags flew at the 25th anniversary commemoration of Ngô ?ình Th?c's elevation to the rank of bishop. According to Miller, Di?m then proclaimed the flag embargo because he was annoyed with the commemoration for Th?c. However, the ban on religious flag led to a protest led by Thích Trí Quang against the government, which was suppressed by Di?m's forces, and unarmed civilians were killed in the clash. Di?m and his supporters blamed the Vi?t C?ng for the deaths and claimed the protesters were responsible for the violence. Although the provincial chief expressed sorrow for the killings and offered to compensate the victims' families, they resolutely denied that government forces were responsible for the killings and blamed the Viet Cong. According to Di?m, it was the communists who threw a grenade into the crowd.
The Buddhists pushed for a five-point agreement: freedom to fly religious flags, an end to arbitrary arrests, compensation for the Hu? victims, punishment for the officials responsible, and religious equality. Di?m then banned demonstrations and ordered his forces to arrest those who engaged in civil disobedience. On 3 June 1963, protesters attempted to march towards the T? ?àm pagoda. Six waves of ARVN tear gas and attack dogs failed to disperse the crowds. Finally, brownish-red liquid chemicals were doused on praying protesters, resulting in 67 being hospitalized for chemical injuries. A curfew was subsequently enacted.
The turning point came in June when a Buddhist monk, Thích Qu?ng c, set himself on fire in the middle of a busy Saigon intersection in protest of Di?m's policies; photos of this event were disseminated around the world, and for many people these pictures came to represent the failure of Di?m's government. A number of other monks publicly self-immolated, and the US grew increasingly frustrated with the unpopular leader's public image in both Vietnam and the United States. Di?m used his conventional anti-communist argument, identifying the dissenters as communists. As demonstrations against his government continued throughout the summer, the special forces loyal to Di?m's brother, Nhu, conducted an August raid of the Xá L?i pagoda in Saigon. Pagodas were vandalized, monks beaten, and the cremated remains of Qu?ng c, which included his heart, a religious relic, were confiscated. Simultaneous raids were carried out across the country, with the T? ?àm pagoda in Hu? looted, the statue of Gautama Buddha demolished, and the body of a deceased monk confiscated. When the populace came to the defense of the monks, the resulting clashes saw 30 civilians killed and 200 wounded. In all 1,400 monks were arrested, and some thirty were injured across the country. The United States indicated its disapproval of Di?m's administration when ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. visited the pagoda. No further mass Buddhist protests occurred during the remainder of Di?m's rule.
Madame Nhu Tr?n L? Xuân, Nhu's wife, inflamed the situation by mockingly applauding the suicides, stating, "If the Buddhists want to have another barbecue, I will be glad to supply the gasoline." The pagoda raids stoked widespread public disquiet in Saigon. Students at Saigon University boycotted classes and rioted, which led to arrests, imprisonments, and the closure of the university; this was repeated at Hu? University. When high school students demonstrated, Di?m arrested them as well; over 1,000 students from Saigon's leading high school, most of them children of Saigon civil servants, were sent to re-education camps, including, reportedly, children as young as five, on charges of anti-government graffiti. Di?m's foreign minister V? V?n M?u resigned, shaving his head like a Buddhist monk in protest. When he attempted to leave the country on a religious pilgrimage to India, he was detained and kept under house arrest.
At the same time that the Buddhist crisis was taking, a French diplomatic initiative to end the war had launched known to the historians as the "Maneli affair", after Mieczys?aw Maneli, the Polish Commissioner to the International Control Commission who served as an intermediary between the two Vietnams. In 1963, North Vietnam was suffering its worst drought in a generation, and Maneli had carried messages back and forth between Hanoi and Saigon under which a ceasefire would be declared in exchange for a barter trade would be launched with South Vietnamese rice to be traded for North Vietnamese coal. On 2 September 1963, Maneli met with Nhu at his office in the Gia Long Palace, a meeting that Nhu subsequently leaked to the American columnist Joseph Alsop, who revealed it to the world in his "A Matter of Fact" column in the Washington Post. Through Nhu's purpose in leaking the meeting was to blackmail the United States with the message if Kennedy continued to criticize Diem's handling of the Buddhist crisis, then Diem would reach an understanding with the Communists, the Kennedy administration reacted with fury at what Alsop had revealed.Roger Hilsman in a message to the Secretary of State Dean Rusk urged that a coup against Diem be encouraged to take place promptly, saying that the mere possibility that Diem might make a deal with the Communists meant that he had to go.
There have been many interpretations of the Buddhist crisis and the immolation of Thích Qu?ng c in 1963. Relating the events to the larger context of Vietnamese Buddhism in the 20th century and looking at the interactions between Di?m and Buddhist groups, the Buddhist protests during Di?m's regime were not only the struggles against discrimination in religious practices and religious freedom, but also the resistance of Vietnamese Buddhism to Di?m's nation-building policies centered by a personalist revolution that Buddhists considered a threat to the revival of Vietnamese Buddhist power. Until the end of his life, Di?m, along with his brother Nhu still believed that their nation-building was successful and they could resolve the Buddhist crisis in their own way, like what they had done with the Hinh crisis in 1954 and the struggle with the Bình Xuyên in 1955.
The foreign policy of the Republic of Vietnam (RVN), according to Fishel, "to a very considerable extent", was the policy of Ngo Dinh Diem himself during this period. He was the decisive factor in formulating foreign policies of the RVN, besides the roles of his adviser - Ngô ?ình Nhu and his foreign ministers: Tr?n V?n (1954-1955), V? V?n M?u (1955-1963) and Ph?m ng Lâm (1963) who played subordinate roles in his regime. Nevertheless, since Di?m had to pay much attention to domestic issues in the context of the Vietnam War, foreign policy did not receive appropriate attention from him. Di?m paid more attention to countries that affected Vietnam directly and he seemed to personalize and emotionalize relations with other nations. The issues Di?m paid more attention in foreign affairs were: the Geneva Accords, the withdrawal of the French, international recognition, the cultivation of the legitimacy of the RVN and the relations with the United States, Laos (good official relations) and Cambodia (complicated relations, especially due to border disputes and minority ethnicities), and especially North Vietnam. Besides, the RVN also focused on diplomatic relations with other Asian countries to secure its international recognition.
Di?m's attitude toward India was not harmonious due to India's non-alignment policy, which Di?m assumed favored communism. It was not until in 1962, when India voted for a report criticizing the communists for supporting the invasion of South Vietnam, that Di?m eventually reviewed his opinions toward India. For Japan, Di?m's regime established diplomatic relations for the recognition of war reparations, which led to a reparation agreement in 1959 with the amount of $49 million. Di?m also established friendly relations with non-communist states, especially South Korea, Taiwan, the Philippines, Thailand, Laos and the Federation of Malaya, where Di?m's regime shared the common recognition of communist threats. The RVN established diplomatic relations with Cambodia, India, Burma, Indonesia, Hong Kong, Singapore, Australia, New Zealand, Brazil, Argentina, Mexico, Morocco, and Tunisia.
Regarding the relations with communist North Vietnam, Di?m maintained total hostility and never made a serious effort to establish any relations with it. In relations with France, as an anti-colonialism nationalist, Di?m did not believe in France and France was always a negative factor in his foreign policy. He also never "looked up on France as a counterweight to American influence".
Concerning relations with the US, although Di?m admitted the importance of the US-RVN alliance, he perceived that the US's assistance to the RVN was primarily serving its own national interest, rather than the RVN's national interest. Keith Taylor adds that Di?m's distrust of the US grew because of its Laotian policy, which gave North Vietnam access to South Vietnam's border through southern Laos. Di?m also feared the escalation of American military personnel in South Vietnam, which threatened his nationalist credentials and the independence of his government. In early 1963, the Ngô brothers even revised their alliance with the US. Moreover, they also disagreed with the US on how to best react to the threat from North Vietnam. While Di?m believed that before opening the political system for the participation of other political camps, military, and security matters should be taken into account; the US wanted otherwise and was critical of Di?m's clientelistic government, where political power based on his family members and trusted associates. The Buddhist crisis in South Vietnam decreased American confidence in Di?m, and eventually led to the coup d'état sanctioned by the US. Ultimately, nation-building politics "shaped the evolution and collapse of the US-Diem alliance". The different visions in the meanings of concepts - democracy, community, security, and social change - were substantial, and were a key cause of the strains throughout their alliance.
As the Buddhist crisis deepened in July 1963, non-communist Vietnamese nationalists and the military began preparations for a coup. Bùi Di?m, later South Vietnam's Ambassador to the United States, reported in his memoirs that General Lê V?n Kim requested his aid in learning what the United States might do about Di?m's government. Di?m had contacts in both the embassy and with the high-profile American journalists then in South Vietnam, David Halberstam (New York Times), Neil Sheehan (United Press International), and Malcolm Browne (Associated Press).
The coup d'état was designed by a military revolutionary council including ARVN generals led by General Dng V?n Minh. Lieutenant Colonel Lucien Conein, a CIA officer, had become a liaison between the US Embassy and the generals, who were led by Tr?n V?n ?ôn. They met each other for the first time on 2 October 1963 at Tân S?n Nh?t airport. Three days later, Conein met with General Dng V?n Minh to discuss the coup and the stance of the US towards it. Conein then delivered the White House's message of American non-intervention, which was reiterated by Henry Cabot Lodge Jr., the US ambassador, who gave secret assurances to the generals that the United States would not interfere.
The coup was chiefly planned by the Vietnamese generals. Unlike the coup in 1960, the plotters of the 1963 coup knew how to gain broad support from other ARVN officer corps. They obtained the support of General Tôn Th?t nh, General Cao Trí, General Nguy?n Khánh, and the I Corps and II Corps Commanders. Only General Hu?nh V?n Cao of IV Corps remained loyal to Di?m.
On 1 November 1963, Conein donned his military uniform and stuffed three million Vietnamese piastres into a bag to be given to General Minh. Conein then called the CIA station and gave a signal indicating that the planned coup against President Diem was about to start. Minh and his co-conspirators swiftly overthrew the government. With only the palace guard remaining to defend Di?m and his younger brother Nhu, the generals called the palace offering Di?m exile if he surrendered. That evening, however, Di?m and his entourage escaped via an underground passage to Cha Tam Catholic Church in Cholon, where they were captured the following morning. On 2 November 1963, the brothers were assassinated together in the back of an M113 armoured personnel carrier with a bayonet and revolver by Captain Nguy?n V?n Nhung, under orders from Minh given while en route to the Vietnamese Joint General Staff headquarters. Di?m was buried in an unmarked grave in a cemetery next to the house of the US Ambassador.
The consequences of the 1 November coup d'état will be contrary to the calculations of the US imperialists ... Di?m was one of the strongest individuals resisting the people and Communism. Everything that could be done in an attempt to crush the revolution was carried out by Di?m. Di?m was one of the most competent lackeys of the US imperialists ... Among the anti-Communists in South Vietnam or exiled in other countries, no one has sufficient political assets and abilities to cause others to obey. Therefore, the lackey administration cannot be stabilized. The coup d'état on 1 November 1963 will not be the last.
After Di?m's assassination, South Vietnam was unable to establish a stable government and several coups took place after his death. While the United States continued to influence South Vietnam's government, the assassination bolstered North Vietnamese attempts to characterize the South Vietnamese as "supporters of colonialism".
Di?m's assassination led to the collapse of his regime and the end of the first Republic of Vietnam. Nevertheless, Di?m's contribution over his nine years of power from 1954 to 1963 can be appreciated at many levels due to his part in resolving the northern refugees issue, establishing and consolidating the power of his regime, subduing the sects, and pacifying the country. Di?m stabilized an independent South Vietnam that had suffered in the First Indochina War and built a relatively stable government in Saigon during the late 1950s. The normalcy and domestic security created conditions for economic recovery and development of education in South Vietnam, which contributed educated human resources to serve the nation. Many universities were established during Di?m's presidency, such as Hu? University, ?à L?t University, University of Pedagogy, the University of Saigon, University of Agriculture and Forestry, Medical University of Hu?, and the National Institute of Administration, which applied the methods of European and American-style vocational schools, contributing to education in the Republic of Vietnam.