A group of M?ori performing a haka
|Regions with significant populations|
|New Zealand||734,200 (2017 estimate)|
|Australia||142,107 (2016 census)|
|United Kingdom||approx. 8,000 (2000)|
|United States||1,994 (2000)|
|Other regions||approx. 8,000|
|Related ethnic groups|
|other Polynesian peoples|
The M?ori (; M?ori pronunciation: ['ma:i]) are the indigenous Polynesian people of New Zealand. M?ori originated with settlers from eastern Polynesia, who arrived in New Zealand in several waves of canoe voyages some time between 1250 and 1300. Over several centuries in isolation, the Polynesian settlers developed a unique culture, with their own language, a rich mythology, and distinctive crafts and performing arts. Early M?ori formed tribal groups based on eastern Polynesian social customs and organisation. Horticulture flourished using plants they introduced; later, a prominent warrior culture emerged.
The arrival of Europeans to New Zealand, starting in the 17th century, brought enormous changes to the M?ori way of life. M?ori people gradually adopted many aspects of Western society and culture. Initial relations between M?ori and Europeans were largely amicable, and with the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840, the two cultures coexisted as part of a new British colony. Rising tensions over disputed land sales led to conflict in the 1860s. Social upheaval, decades of conflict and epidemics of introduced disease took a devastating toll on the M?ori population, which fell dramatically. By the start of the 20th century, the M?ori population had begun to recover, and efforts have been made to increase their standing in wider New Zealand society and achieve social justice. Traditional M?ori culture has thereby enjoyed a significant revival, which was further bolstered by a M?ori protest movement that emerged in the 1960s.
In the 2013 census, there were approximately 600,000 people in New Zealand identifying as M?ori, making up roughly 15 per cent of the national population. They are the second-largest ethnic group in New Zealand, after European New Zealanders ("P?keh?"). In addition, more than 140,000 M?ori live in Australia. The M?ori language is spoken to some extent by about a fifth of all M?ori, representing 3 per cent of the total population. M?ori are active in all spheres of New Zealand culture and society, with independent representation in areas such as media, politics and sport.
Disproportionate numbers of M?ori face significant economic and social obstacles, and generally have lower life expectancies and incomes compared with other New Zealand ethnic groups. They suffer higher levels of crime, health problems, and educational under-achievement. A number of socioeconomic initiatives have been instigated with the aim of "closing the gap" between M?ori and other New Zealanders. Political and economic redress for historical grievances is also ongoing (see Treaty of Waitangi claims and settlements).
In the M?ori language, the word m?ori means "normal", "natural" or "ordinary". In legends and oral traditions, the word distinguished ordinary mortal human beings--t?ngata m?ori--from deities and spirits (wairua).[i] Likewise, wai m?ori denotes "fresh water", as opposed to salt water. There are cognate words in most Polynesian languages, all deriving from Proto-Polynesian *ma(a)qoli, which has the reconstructed meaning "true, real, genuine".
The spelling of "M?ori" with or without the macron is inconsistent in general-interest English-language media in New Zealand, although some newspapers and websites have adopted the standard M?ori-language spelling (i.e., with macrons).
Early visitors from Europe to New Zealand generally referred to the indigenous inhabitants as "New Zealanders" or as "natives". The M?ori used the term M?ori to describe themselves in a pan-tribal sense.[ii] M?ori people often use the term tangata whenua (literally, "people of the land") to identify in a way that expresses their relationship with a particular area of land; a tribe may be the tangata whenua in one area, but not in another. The term can also refer to the M?ori people as a whole in relation to New Zealand (Aotearoa) as a whole.
The Maori Purposes Act of 1947 required the use of the term "M?ori" rather than "Native" in official usage. The Department of Native Affairs was renamed as the Department of M?ori Affairs; since 1992 it has been known as Te Puni K?kiri, or the Ministry for M?ori Development. Before 1974, the government required documented ancestry to determine the legal definition of "a M?ori person". For example, bloodlines or percentage of M?ori ancestry was used to determine whether a person should enroll on the general electoral roll or the separate M?ori roll. In 1947, the authorities determined that a man who was five-eighths M?ori had improperly voted in the general parliamentary electorate of Raglan.
The Maori Affairs Amendment Act 1974 changed the definition, allowing individuals to self-identify as to their cultural identity. In matters involving financial benefits provided by the government to people of M?ori ethnicity--scholarships, for example, or Waitangi Tribunal settlements--authorities generally require some documentation of ancestry or continuing cultural connection (such as acceptance by others as being of the people) but no minimum "blood" requirement exists as determined by the government.[iii]
The most current reliable evidence strongly indicates that the initial settlement of New Zealand occurred around 1280 CE, at the end of the medieval warm period. Previous dating of some kiore (Polynesian rat) bones at 50-150 has now been shown to have been unreliable; new samples of bone (and now also of unequivocally rat-gnawed woody seed cases) match the 1280 date of the earliest archaeological sites and the beginning of sustained deforestation by humans. M?ori oral history describes the arrival of ancestors from Hawaiki (the mythical homeland in tropical Polynesia), in large ocean-going waka. Migration accounts vary among tribes (iwi), whose members may identify with several waka in their genealogies (whakapapa). In the last few decades, mitochondrial-DNA (mtDNA) research has allowed an estimate to be made of the number of women in the founding population--between 50 and 100.
Evidence from archaeology, linguistics, and physical anthropology indicates that the first settlers came from east Polynesia and became the M?ori. Language-evolution studies and mtDNA evidence suggest that most Pacific populations originated from Taiwanese aborigines around 5,200 years ago (suggesting prior migration from the Asian or Chinese mainland). These ancestors moved down through Southeast Asia and Indonesia.
Atholl Anderson concluded from analysis of mtDNA (female) and Y chromosome (male) that the ancestors of Polynesian women came from Taiwan while those of Polynesian men came from New Guinea. Subsequently it was found that 96 per cent of Polynesian mtDNA has an Asian origin, as do one-third of Polynesian Y chromosomes, with the remaining two-thirds being from New Guinea and nearby islands. An Otago University study by Professor Matisoo-Smith shows that New Zealand was populated from southern Asia with the mtDNA mainly M branch with some N lineage and Denisovan DNA. Most Polynesians, M?ori included, have mtDNA in the B4a1a branch, and the founding population is now known to have been in the hundreds--much larger than previously thought.
The earliest period of M?ori settlement is known as the "Archaic", "Moahunter" or "Colonisation" period. The eastern Polynesian ancestors of the M?ori arrived in a forested land with abundant birdlife, including several now extinct moa species weighing between 20 kilograms (44 lb) and 250 kg (550 lb) each. Other species, also now extinct, included a swan, a goose and the giant Haast's eagle, which preyed upon the moa. Marine mammals--seals in particular--thronged the coasts, with evidence of coastal colonies much further north than those which remain today . Huge numbers of moa bones--estimated to be from between 29,000 and 90,000 birds--have been located at the mouth of the Waitaki River, between Timaru and Oamaru on the east coast of the South Island. Further south, at the mouth of the Shag River (Waihemo), evidence suggests that at least 6,000 moa were slaughtered by humans over a relatively short period of time.
Archaeology has shown that the Otago region was the node of M?ori cultural development during this time, and the majority of archaic settlements were on or within 10 km (6 mi) of the coast. It was common for people to establish small temporary camps far inland for seasonal hunting. Settlements ranged in size from 40 people (e.g., Palliser Bay in Wellington) to between 300 and 400 people, with 40 buildings (such as at the Shag River).
The best-known and most extensively studied Archaic site is at Wairau Bar in the South Island. The site is similar to eastern Polynesian nucleated villages. Radiocarbon dating shows the site was occupied from about 1288 to 1300. Due to tectonic forces, some of the Wairau Bar site is now underwater. Work on the Wairau Bar skeletons in 2010 showed that life expectancy was very short, the oldest skeleton being 39 and most people dying in their 20s. Most of the adults showed signs of dietary or infection stress. Anemia and arthritis were common. Infections such as tuberculosis (TB) may have been present, as the symptoms were present in several skeletons. On average, the adults were taller than other South Pacific people, at 175 centimetres (5 ft 9 in) for males and 161 cm (5 ft 3 in) for females.
The Archaic period is remarkable for the lack of weapons and fortifications so typical of the later "Classic" M?ori, and for its distinctive "reel necklaces". From this period onward, some 32 species of birds became extinct, either through over-predation by humans and the kiore and kur? (dog) they introduced; repeated burning of the grassland that changed their habitat, or climate cooling, which appears to have occurred from about 1400-1450. The early M?ori enjoyed a rich, varied diet of birds, fish, seals and shellfish. Moa were also an important source of meat. According to Professor Allan Cooper, the people slaughtered to extinction most of the various lost species within 100 years.
Work by Helen Leach shows that M?ori were using about 36 different food plants, although many required detoxification and long periods (12-24 hours) of cooking. D. Sutton's research on early M?ori fertility found that first pregnancy occurred at about 20 years and the mean number of births was low, compared with other neolithic societies. The low number of births may have been due to the very low average life expectancy of 31-32 years. Analysis of skeletons at Wairau Bar showed signs of a hard life, with many having had broken bones that had healed. This suggests that the people ate a balanced diet and enjoyed a supportive community that had the resources to support severely injured family members.
The cooling of the climate, confirmed by a detailed tree-ring study near Hokitika, shows a significant, sudden and long-lasting cooler period from 1500. This coincided with a series of massive earthquakes in the South Island Alpine fault, a major earthquake in 1460 in the Wellington area,tsunamis that destroyed many coastal settlements, and the extinction of the moa and other food species. These were likely factors that led to sweeping changes in the M?ori culture, which developed into the most well-known "Classic" period that was in place at the time of European contact.
This period is characterised by finely made pounamu (greenstone) weapons and ornaments, elaborately carved canoes--a tradition that was later extended to and continued in elaborately carved meeting houses called wharenui--and a fierce warrior culture. They developed hillforts known as p?, practiced cannibalism, and built some of the largest war canoes ever.
Around the year 1500, a group of M?ori migrated east to the Chatham Islands, where, by adapting to the local climate and the availability of resources, they developed into a people known as the Moriori, related to but distinct from the M?ori of mainland New Zealand. A notable feature of Moriori culture was an emphasis on pacifism. When a party of invading North Taranaki M?ori arrived in 1835, few of the estimated Moriori population of 2,000 survived; they were killed outright and many were enslaved.
The largest battle ever fought in New Zealand, the Battle of Hingakaka, occurred around 1780-90, south of ?haup? on a ridge near Lake Ngaroto. The battle was fought between about 7,000 warriors from a Taranaki-led force and a much smaller Waikato force under the leadership of Te Rauangaanga.
European settlement of New Zealand occurred in relatively recent historical times. New Zealand historian Michael King in The Penguin History Of New Zealand describes the M?ori as "the last major human community on earth untouched and unaffected by the wider world." Early European explorers, including Abel Tasman (who arrived in 1642) and Captain James Cook (who first visited in 1769), recorded their impressions of M?ori. Initial contact between M?ori and Europeans proved problematic and sometimes fatal, with several accounts of Europeans being cannibalised.
From the 1780s, M?ori encountered European and American sealers and whalers; some M?ori crewed on the foreign ships, with many crewing on whaling and sealing ships that operated in New Zealand waters. Some of the South Island crews were almost totally M?ori. Between 1800 and 1820, there were 65 sealing voyages and 106 whaling voyages to New Zealand, mainly from Britain and Australia. A trickle of escaped convicts from Australia and deserters from visiting ships, as well as early Christian missionaries, also exposed the indigenous population to outside influences. In the Boyd Massacre in 1809, M?ori took hostage and killed 66 members of the crew and passengers of the sailing ship Boyd in apparent revenge for the captain whipping the son of a M?ori chief. Given accounts of cannibalism in this attack, shipping companies and missionaries kept their distance, significantly reducing their contact with the M?ori for several years.
The runaways were of various standing within M?ori society, ranging from slaves to high-ranking advisors. Some runaways remained little more than prisoners, while others abandoned European culture and identified as M?ori. These Europeans "gone native" became known as P?keh? M?ori. Many M?ori valued them as a means to acquire European knowledge and technology, particularly firearms. When Whiria (P?mare II) led a war-party against T?tore in 1838, he had 131 Europeans among his warriors.Frederick Edward Maning, an early settler, wrote two lively accounts of life in these times, which have become classics of New Zealand literature: Old New Zealand and History of the War in the North of New Zealand against the Chief Heke. European settlement of New Zealand increased steadily. By 1839, estimates placed the number of Europeans living among the M?ori as high as 2,000; two-thirds lived in the North Island, especially in the Northland Peninsula.
Contact with Europeans led to a sharing of concepts. The M?ori language was first written down by Thomas Kendall in 1815, in A korao no New Zealand; this was followed five years later by A Grammar and Vocabulary of the New Zealand Language, compiled by Professor Samuel Lee and aided by Kendall, Waikato M?ori and the chief Hongi Hika, on a visit to England in 1820. M?ori quickly adopted writing as a means of sharing ideas, and many of their oral stories and poems were converted to the written form. Between February 1835 and January 1840, William Colenso printed 74,000 M?ori-language booklets from his press at Pahia. In 1843, the government distributed free gazettes to M?ori called Ko Te Karere O Nui Tireni. These contained information about law and crimes, with explanations and remarks about European customs, and were "designed to pass on official information to M?ori and to encourage the idea that P?keh? and M?ori were contracted together under the Treaty of Waitangi".
Between 1805 and 1840, the acquisition of muskets by tribes in close contact with European visitors upset the balance of power among M?ori tribes. This led to a period of bloody intertribal warfare known as the Musket Wars, which resulted in the decimation of several tribes and the driving of others from their traditional territory. It has been estimated that during this period the M?ori population dropped from about 100,000 (in 1800) to between 50,000 and 80,000 by the wars' end in 1843. The 1850s were a decade of relative stability and economic growth for M?ori.
The picture is confused by uncertainty over how or if P?keh? M?ori were counted, and the severe dislocation of many of the less powerful iwi and hap? (subtribes) during the wars. The smashing of normal society by the four decades of wars and the driving of peaceful tribes from their productive turangawaewae, such as the Moriori in the Chatham Islands by invading forces from North Taranaki, had a catastrophic effect on these conquered tribes.
At the same time, the M?ori suffered high mortality rates for new Eurasian infectious diseases, such as influenza, smallpox and measles, which killed an unknown number of M?ori: estimates vary between ten and fifty percent. The spread of epidemics resulted largely from the M?ori lacking acquired immunity to the new diseases. A huge influx of European settlers in the 1870s increased contact among many of the indigenous people with the newcomers.
Te Rangi H?roa documents an epidemic caused by a respiratory disease that M?ori called rewharewha. It "decimated" populations in the early 19th century and "spread with extraordinary virulence throughout the North Island and even to the South... Measles, typhoid, scarlet fever, whooping cough and almost everything, except plague and sleeping sickness, have taken their toll of M?ori dead."
With increasing Christian missionary activity and growing European settlement in the 1830s, and with growing lawlessness in New Zealand, the British Crown acceded to repeated requests from missionaries and some chiefs (rangatira) to intervene. Some freewheeling escaped convicts and seamen, as well as gunrunners and Americans actively worked against the British government by spreading rumours amongst the M?ori that the government would oppress and mistreat them. Tamati Waka Nene, a pro-government chief, was angry that the government had not taken active steps to stop gunrunners selling weapons to rebels in Hokianga. In addition, France appeared to be showing interest in acquiring New Zealand to add to its stake in Polynesia. British immigrants believed that the French Catholic missionaries were spreading anti-British feeling. All of the chiefs who spoke against the Treaty on 5 February 1840 were Catholic. Years after the treaty was signed, Bishop Pompallier admitted that all the Catholic chiefs and especially Rewa, had consulted him for advice.
Ultimately, the British government sent Royal Navy Captain William Hobson with instructions to negotiate a treaty between the British Crown and the people of New Zealand. Soon after arrival in New Zealand in February 1840, Hobson negotiated a treaty with North Island chiefs, later to become known as the Treaty of Waitangi. In the end, 500 tribal chiefs and a small number of Europeans signed the Treaty, while some chiefs -- such as Te Wherowhero in Waikato -- refused to sign. The Treaty gave M?ori the rights of British subjects and guaranteed M?ori property rights and tribal autonomy, in return for accepting British sovereignty.
Considerable dispute continues over aspects of the Treaty of Waitangi. The original treaty was written mainly by Busby and translated into M?ori by Henry Williams, who was moderately proficient in M?ori, and his son William, who was more skilled. They were handicapped by their imperfect M?ori and the lack of exactly similar words in M?ori, as well as by deep differences among the peoples on concepts of property rights and sovereignty, for example. At Waitangi the chiefs signed the M?ori translation.
Despite conflicting interpretations of the provisions of the Treaty of Waitangi, relations between M?ori and Europeans during the early colonial period were largely peaceful. Many M?ori groups set up substantial businesses, supplying food and other products for domestic and overseas markets. Among the early European settlers who learnt the M?ori language and recorded M?ori mythology, George Grey, Governor of New Zealand from 1845-1855 and 1861-1868, stands out.
However, rising tensions over disputed land purchases and attempts by M?ori in the Waikato to establish what some saw as a rival to the British system of royalty led to the New Zealand wars in the 1860s. These conflicts started when rebel M?ori attacked isolated settlers in Taranaki but were fought mainly between Crown troops--from both Britain and new regiments raised in Australia, aided by settlers and some allied M?ori (known as kupapa)--and numerous M?ori groups opposed to the disputed land sales, including some Waikato M?ori.
While these conflicts resulted in few M?ori (compared to the earlier Musket wars) or European deaths, the colonial government confiscated tracts of tribal land as punishment for what were called rebellions. In some cases the government confiscated land from tribes that had taken no part in the war, although this was almost immediately returned. Some of the confiscated land was returned to both kupapa and "rebel" M?ori. Several minor conflicts also arose after the wars, including the incident at Parihaka in 1881 and the Dog Tax War from 1897-98.
The Native Land Acts of 1862 and 1865 established the Native Land Court, which was intended to transfer M?ori land from communal ownership into individual household title as a means to assimilation and to facilitate greater sales to European immigrants. M?ori land under individual title became available to be sold to the colonial government or to settlers in private sales. Between 1840 and 1890, M?ori sold 95 percent of their land (63,000,000 of 66,000,000 acres (270,000 km2) in 1890). In total 4 per cent of this was confiscated land, although about a quarter of this was returned. 300,000 acres was returned to Kupapa M?ori mainly in the lower Waikato River Basin area. Individual M?ori titleholders received considerable capital from these land sales, with some lower Waikato Chiefs being given 1000 pounds each. Disputes later arose over whether or not promised compensation in some sales was fully delivered. Some claim that later, the selling off of M?ori land and the lack of appropriate skills hampered M?ori participation in developing the New Zealand economy, eventually diminishing the capacity of many M?ori to sustain themselves.
The M?ori MP Henare Kaihau, from Waiuku, who was executive head of the King Movement, worked alongside King Mahuta to sell land to the government. At that time the king sold 185,000 acres per year. In 1910 the M?ori Land Conference at Waihi discussed selling a further 600,000 acres. King Mahuta had been successful in getting restitution for some blocks of land previously confiscated, and these were returned to the King in his name. Henare Kaihau invested all the money- 50,000 pounds- in an Auckland land company which collapsed; all 50,000 pounds of the kingitanga money was lost.
In 1884 King T?whiao withdrew money from the kingitanga bank, Te Peeke o Aotearoa to travel to London to see Queen Victoria to try and persuade her to honour the Treaty between their peoples. He did not get past the Secretary of State for the Colonies, who said it was a New Zealand problem. Returning to New Zealand, the Premier Robert Stout insisted that all events happening before 1863 were the responsibility of the Imperial Government.
By 1891 M?ori comprised just 10 per cent of the population but still owned 17 per cent of the land, although much of it was of poor quality.
By the late 19th century a widespread belief existed amongst both P?keh? and M?ori that the M?ori population would cease to exist as a separate race or culture, and become assimilated into the European population. In 1840, New Zealand had a M?ori population of about 50,000 to 70,000 and only about 2,000 Europeans. By 1860 the Europeans had increased to 50,000. The M?ori population had declined to 37,520 in the 1871 census, although Te Rangi H?roa (Sir Peter Buck) believed this figure was too low. The figure was 42,113 in the 1896 census, by which time Europeans numbered more than 700,000. Professor Ian Pool noticed that as late as 1890, 40 per cent of all female M?ori children who were born died before the age of one, a much higher rate than for males.
The decline of the M?ori population did not continue; it stabilized and began to recover. By 1936 the M?ori figure was 82,326, although the sudden rise in the 1930s was probably due to the introduction of the family benefit - payable only when a birth was registered, according to Professor Pool. Despite a substantial level of intermarriage between the M?ori and European populations, many ethnic M?ori retained their cultural identity. A number of discourses developed as to the meaning of "M?ori" and to who counted as M?ori or not.
The parliament instituted four M?ori seats in 1867, giving all M?ori men universal suffrage, 12 years ahead of their European New Zealand counterparts. Until the 1879 general elections, men had to satisfy property requirements of landowning or rental payments to qualify as voters. New Zealand was thus the first neo-European nation in the world to give the vote to its indigenous people. While the M?ori seats encouraged M?ori participation in politics, the relative size of the M?ori population of the time vis à vis P?keh? would have warranted approximately 15 seats.
From the late 19th century, successful M?ori politicians such as James Carroll, ?pirana Ngata, Te Rangi H?roa and Maui Pomare, were influential in politics. At one point Carroll became Acting Prime Minister. The group, known as the Young M?ori Party, cut across voting-blocs in Parliament and aimed to revitalise the M?ori people after the devastation of the previous century. They believed the future path called for a degree of assimilation, with M?ori adopting European practices such as Western medicine and education, especially learning English.
Ngata acted as a major force behind the revival of arts such as kapa haka and carving. He also enacted a programme of land development, which helped many iwi retain and develop their land. Ngata became very close to Te Puea, the Waikato kingite leader, who was supported by the government in her attempt to improve living conditions for Waikato. Ngata transferred four blocks of land to Te Puea and her husband and arranged extensive government grants and loans. Ngata sacked the pakeha farm development officer and replaced him with Te Puea. He arranged for her to have a car to travel around the various farms. Te Puea's husband was also given a large farm at Tikitere near Rotorua. The public, media and parliament became alarmed at the flow of funds from government to Te Puea during the recession. A Royal Commission was held in 1934 that found Ngata guilty of maladministration and misappropriation of funds to the value of 500,000 pounds. Ngata was forced to resign.
During the First World War, a M?ori pioneer force was taken to Egypt but quickly was turned into a successful combat infantry battalion; in the last years of the war it was known as the M?ori Battalion. It mainly comprised Te Arawa, Te Aitanga-a-M?haki, Te Aitanga-a-Hauiti, Ng?ti Porou and Ng?ti Kahungun and later many Cook Islanders; the Waikato and Taranaki tribes refused to enlist or be conscripted.
M?ori were badly hit by the 1918 influenza epidemic when the M?ori battalion returned from the Western Front. The death rate from influenza for M?ori was 4.5 times higher than for Pakeha. Many M?ori, especially in the Waikato, were very reluctant to visit a doctor and went to a hospital only when the patient was nearly dead. To cope with isolation, Waikato M?ori, under Te Puea's leadership, increasingly returned to the old Pai M?rire (Hau hau) cult of the 1860s.
Until 1893, 53 years after the Treaty of Waitangi, M?ori did not pay tax on land holdings. In 1893 a very light tax was payable only on leasehold land, and it was not till 1917 that M?ori were required to pay a heavier tax equal to half that paid by other New Zealanders.
During the Second World War, the government decided to exempt M?ori from the conscription that applied to other citizens. The M?ori volunteered in large numbers, forming the 28th or M?ori Battalion, which performed creditably, notably in Crete, North Africa and Italy. Altogether 16,000 M?ori took part in the war. M?ori, including Cook Islanders, made up 12 per cent of the total New Zealand force. 3,600 served in the M?ori Battalion, the remainder serving in artillery, pioneers, home guard, infantry, airforce, and navy.
Many M?ori migrated to larger rural towns and cities during the Depression and post-WWII periods in search of employment, leaving rural communities depleted and disconnecting many urban M?ori from their traditional ways of life. Yet while standards of living improved among M?ori during this time, they continued to lag behind P?keh? in areas such as health, income, skilled employment and access to higher levels of education. M?ori leaders and government policymakers alike struggled to deal with social issues stemming from increased urban migration, including a shortage of housing and jobs, and a rise in urban crime, poverty and health problems.
Since the 1960s, M?oridom has undergone a cultural revival concurrent with activism for social justice and a protest movement. Government recognition of the growing political power of M?ori and political activism have led to limited redress for confiscation of land and for the violation of other property rights. In 1975 the Crown set up the Waitangi Tribunal, a body with the powers of a Commission of Enquiry, to investigate and make recommendations on such issues, but it cannot make binding rulings; the Government need not accept the findings of the Waitangi Tribunal, and has rejected some of them. Since 1976, people of M?ori descent may choose to enroll on either the general or M?ori roll, and vote in either the M?ori only or general electorates, but not both.
During the 1990s and 2000s, the government negotiated with M?ori to provide redress for breaches by the Crown of the guarantees set out in the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840. By 2006 the government had provided over NZ$900 million in settlements, much of it in the form of land deals. The largest settlement, signed on 25 June 2008 with seven M?ori iwi, transferred nine large tracts of forested land to M?ori control. As a result of the redress paid to many iwi, M?ori now have significant interests in the fishing and forestry industries. There is a growing M?ori leadership who are using the treaty settlements as an investment platform for economic development.
Despite a growing acceptance of M?ori culture in wider New Zealand society, the settlements have generated controversy on both sides. Some M?ori have complained that the settlements occur at a level of between 1 and 2.5 cents on the dollar of the value of the confiscated lands; conversely, some non-M?ori denounce the settlements and socioeconomic iniatives as amounting to race-based preferential treatment. Both of these sentiments were expressed during the New Zealand foreshore and seabed controversy in 2004.
In the 2013 census, 598,605 people identified as being part of the M?ori ethnic group, accounting for 14.9 per cent of the New Zealand population, while 668,724 people (17.5 per cent) claimed M?ori descent. Of those identifying as M?ori, 278,199 people identified as of sole M?ori ethnicity while 260,229 identified as of both European and M?ori ethnicity, due to the high rate of intermarriage between the two cultures. Under the Maori Affairs Amendment Act 1974, a M?ori is defined as "a person of the M?ori race of New Zealand; and includes any descendant of such a person".
According to the 2013 census, the largest iwi by population is Ng?puhi (125,601), followed by Ng?ti Porou (71,049), Ng?i Tahu (54,819) and Waikato (40,083). However, over 110,000 people of M?ori descent could not identify their iwi. Outside of New Zealand, a large M?ori population exists in Australia, estimated at 155,000 in 2011. The M?ori Party has suggested a special seat should be created in the New Zealand parliament representing M?ori in Australia. Smaller communities also exist in the United Kingdom (approx. 8,000), the United States (up to 3,500) and Canada (approx. 1,000).
The ancestors of the M?ori arrived from eastern Polynesia during the 13th century, bringing with them Polynesian cultural customs and beliefs. Early European researchers, such as Julius von Haast, a geologist, incorrectly interpreted archaeological remains as belonging to a pre-M?ori Paleolithic people; later researchers, notably Percy Smith, magnified such theories into an elaborate scenario with a series of sharply-defined cultural stages which had M?ori arriving in a Great Fleet in 1350 and replacing the so-called "moa-hunter" culture with a "classical M?ori" culture based on horticulture. The development of M?ori material culture has been similarly delineated by the Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa into "cultural periods", from the earlier "Ng? Kakano" stage to the later "Te Tipunga" period, before the "Classic" period of M?ori history.[iv]
However, the archaeological record indicates a gradual evolution of a neolithic culture that varied in pace and extent according to local resources and conditions. In the course of a few centuries, the growing population led to competition for resources and an increase in warfare. The archaeological record reveals an increased frequency of fortified p?, although debate continues about the amount of conflict. Various systems arose which aimed to conserve resources; most of these, such as tapu and r?hui, used religious or supernatural threats to discourage people from taking species at particular seasons or from specified areas.
Warfare between tribes was common, generally over land conflicts or to restore mana. Fighting was carried out between hap?. Although not practised during times of peace, M?ori would sometimes eat their conquered enemies. As M?ori continued in geographic isolation, performing arts such as the haka developed from their Polynesian roots, as did carving and weaving. Regional dialects arose, with differences in vocabulary and in the pronunciation of some words. In 1819 two young northern chiefs, Tuai and Titere, who had learnt to speak and write English, went to London, where they met the language expert Samuel Lee. They stayed with a school teacher, Hall, who they told that even in Northern New Zealand there were "different languages and dialects". The language retained enough similarities to other Eastern Polynesian languages, to the point where Tupaia, the Tahitian navigator on James Cook's first voyage in the region acted as an interpreter between M?ori and the crew of the Endeavour.
Traditional M?ori beliefs have their origins in Polynesian culture. Many stories from M?ori mythology are analogous with stories across the Pacific Ocean. Polynesian concepts such as tapu (sacred), noa (non-sacred), mana (authority/prestige) and wairua (spirit) governed everyday M?ori living. These practices remained until the arrival of Europeans, when much of M?ori religion and mythology was supplanted by Christianity. Today, M?ori "tend to be followers of Presbyterianism, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Mormons), or M?ori Christian groups such as R?tana and Ringat?", but with Catholic, Anglican and Methodist groupings also prominent.Islam is estimated as the fastest growing religion among M?ori, yet M?ori Muslims constitute a very small proportion of M?ori.
At the 2013 New Zealand census, 8.8 percent of M?ori were affiliated with M?ori Christian denominations and 39.6 percent with other Christian denominations; 46.3 percent of M?ori claimed no religion. Proportions of Christian and irreligious M?ori are comparable with European New Zealanders.
Kapa haka (literally "haka team") is a traditional M?ori performance art, encompassing many forms, that is still popular today. It includes haka (posture dance), poi (dance accompanied by song and rhythmic movements of the poi, a light ball on a string), waiata-?-ringa (action songs) and waiata koroua (traditional chants). From the early 20th century kapa haka concert parties began touring overseas.
Since 1972 there has been a regular competition, the Te Matatini National Festival, organised by the Aotearoa Traditional M?ori Performing Arts Society. M?ori from different regions send representative groups to compete in the biennial competition. There are also kapa haka groups in schools, tertiary institutions and workplaces. It is also performed at tourist venues across the country.
Like other cultures, oral folklore was used by M?ori to preserve their stories and beliefs across many centuries. In the 19th century, European-style literacy was brought to the M?ori, which led to M?ori history documentation in books, novels and later television. M?ori language use began to decline in the 20th century with English as the language through which M?ori literature became widespread.
Notable M?ori novelists include Patricia Grace, Witi Ihimaera and Alan Duff. Once Were Warriors, a 1994 film adapted from a 1990 novel of the same name by Alan Duff, brought the plight of some urban M?ori to a wide audience. It was the highest-grossing film in New Zealand until 2006, and received international acclaim, winning several international film prizes. While some M?ori feared that viewers would consider the violent male characters an accurate portrayal of M?ori men, most critics praised it as exposing the raw side of domestic violence. Some M?ori opinion, particularly feminist, welcomed the debate on domestic violence that the film enabled.
Well-known M?ori actors and actresses include Temuera Morrison, Cliff Curtis, Lawrence Makoare, Manu Bennett and Keisha Castle-Hughes. They are in films like Whale Rider, Star Wars: Episode III - Revenge of the Sith, The Matrix, King Kong, The River Queen, The Lord of The Rings, Rapa Nui, and others, and famous television series like Xena: Warrior Princess, Hercules: The Legendary Journeys, The Lost World and Spartacus: Blood and Sand. In most cases their roles in Hollywood productions have them portraying ethnic groups other than M?ori.
M?ori participate fully in New Zealand's sporting culture, and are well-represented in rugby union, rugby league and netball teams at all levels. The New Zealand national rugby union team performs a haka, a traditional M?ori challenge, before international matches. As well as participation in national sports teams, there are M?ori rugby union, rugby league and cricket representative teams that play in international competitions.
At the 2016 Summer Olympics in Rio de Janeiro, 41 of the 199 competitors (20.5 percent) were of M?ori descent in the New Zealand delegation, with the rugby sevens squads alone having 17 M?ori competitors (out of 24). There were also three competitors of M?ori descent in the Australian delegation.
Ki-o-rahi and tapawai are two sports of M?ori origin. Ki-o-rahi got an unexpected boost when McDonald's chose it to represent New Zealand.Waka ama (outrigger canoeing) is also popular with M?ori.
From about 1890, M?ori Members of Parliament realised the importance of English literacy to M?ori and insisted that all M?ori children be taught in English. Missionaries, who still ran many M?ori schools, had been teaching exclusively in M?ori but the M?ori MPs insisted this should stop. However attendance at school for many M?ori was intermittent.
The M?ori language, also known as te reo M?ori (pronounced ['ma:o?i, te '?eo 'ma:o?i]) or simply Te Reo ("the language"), has the status of an official language. Linguists classify it within the Eastern Polynesian languages as being closely related to Cook Islands M?ori, Tuamotuan and Tahitian. Before European contact M?ori did not have a written language and "important information such as whakapapa was memorised and passed down verbally through the generations". M?ori were familiar with the concept of maps and when interacting with missionaries in 1815 could draw accurate maps of their rohe (iwi boundaries), onto paper, that were the equal of European maps. Missionaries surmised that M?ori had traditionally drawn maps on sand or other natural materials.
In many areas of New Zealand, M?ori lost its role as a living community language used by significant numbers of people in the post-war years. In tandem with calls for sovereignty and for the righting of social injustices from the 1970s onwards, New Zealand schools now teach M?ori culture and language as an option, and pre-school kohanga reo ("language-nests") have started, which teach tamariki (young children) exclusively in M?ori. These now extend right through secondary schools (kura tuarua). Most preschool centres teach basics such as colours, numerals and greetings in M?ori songs and chants.
M?ori Television, a government-funded channel committed to broadcasting primarily in Te Reo, began in March 2004. The 1996 census reported 160,000 M?ori speakers. At the time of the 2013 census 125,352 M?ori (21.3 per cent) reported a conversational level of proficiency.
Polynesian settlers in New Zealand developed a distinct society over several hundred years. Social groups were tribal, with no unified society or single M?ori identity until after the arrival of Europeans. Nevertheless, common elements could be found in all M?ori groups in pre-European New Zealand, including a shared Polynesian heritage, a common basic language, familial associations, traditions of warfare, and similar mythologies and religious beliefs.
Most M?ori lived in villages, which were inhabited by several wh?nau (extended families) who collectively formed a hap? (clan or subtribe). Members of a hap? cooperated with food production, gathering resources, raising families and defence. M?ori society across New Zealand was broadly stratified into three classes of people: rangatira, chiefs and ruling families; t?t, commoners; and m?kai, slaves. Tohunga also held special standing in their communities as specialists of revered arts, skills and esoteric knowledge.
Shared ancestry, intermarriage and trade strengthened relationships between different groups. Many hap? with mutually-recognised shared ancestry formed iwi, or tribes, which were the largest social unit in M?ori society. Hap? and iwi often united for expeditions to gather food and resources, or in times of conflict. In contrast, warfare developed as an integral part of traditional life, as different groups competed for food and resources, settled personal disputes, and sought to increase their prestige and authority.
The arrival of Europeans to New Zealand dates back to the 17th century, although it was not until the expeditions of James Cook over a hundred years later that any meaningful interactions occurred between Europeans and M?ori. For M?ori, the new arrivals brought opportunities for trade, which many groups embraced eagerly. Early European settlers introduced tools, weapons, clothing and foods to M?ori across New Zealand, in exchange for resources, land and labour. M?ori began selectively adopting elements of Western society during the 19th century, including European clothing and food, and later Western education, religion and architecture.
But as the 19th century wore on, relations between European colonial settlers and different M?ori groups became increasingly strained. Tensions led to conflict in the 1860s, and the confiscation of millions of acres of M?ori land. Significant amounts of land were also purchased by the colonial government and later through the Native Land Court.
By the start of the 20th century, a greater awareness had emerged of a unified M?ori identity, particularly in comparison to P?keh?, who now overwhelmingly outnumbered the M?ori as a whole. M?ori and P?keh? societies remained largely separate--socially, culturally, economically and geographically--for much of the 19th and early 20th centuries. The key reason for this was that M?ori remained almost exclusively a rural population, whereas increasingly the European population was urban especially after 1900. Nevertheless, M?ori groups continued to engage with the government and in legal processes to increase their standing in (and ultimately further their incorporation into) wider New Zealand society. The main point of contact with the government were the four M?ori Members of Parliament.
Many M?ori migrated to larger rural towns and cities during the Depression and post-WWII periods in search of employment, leaving rural communities depleted and disconnecting many urban M?ori from their traditional social controls and tribal homelands. Yet while standards of living improved among M?ori, they continued to lag behind P?keh? in areas such as health, income, skilled employment and access to higher levels of education. M?ori leaders and government policymakers alike struggled to deal with social issues stemming from increased urban migration, including a shortage of housing and jobs, and a rise in urban crime, poverty and health problems.
In regards to housing, a 1961 census revealed significant differences in the living conditions of M?ori and Europeans. That year, out of all the (unshared) non-M?ori private dwellings in New Zealand, 96.8 per cent had a bath or shower, 94.1 per cent a hot water service, 88.7 per cent a flush toilet, 81.6 per cent a refrigerator, and 78.6 per cent an electric washing machine. By contrast, for all (unshared) M?ori private dwellings that same year, 76.8 per cent had a bath or shower, 68.9 per cent a hot water service, 55.8 per cent a refrigerator, 54.1 per cent a flush toilet, and 47 per cent an electric washing machine.
While the arrival of Europeans had a profound impact on the M?ori way of life, many aspects of traditional society have survived into the 21st century. M?ori participate fully in all spheres of New Zealand culture and society, leading largely Western lifestyles while also maintaining their own cultural and social customs. The traditional social strata of rangatira, t?t and m?kai have all but disappeared from M?ori society, while the roles of tohunga and kaum?tua are still present. Traditional kinship ties are also actively maintained, and the wh?nau in particular remains an integral part of M?ori life.
M?ori society at a local level is particularly visible at the marae. Formerly the central meeting spaces in traditional villages, marae today usually comprise a group of buildings around an open space, that frequently host events such as weddings, funerals, church services and other large gatherings, with traditional protocol and etiquette usually observed. They also serve as the base of one or sometimes several hap?.
Most M?ori affiliate with one or more iwi (and hap?), based on genealogical descent (whakapapa). Iwi vary in size, from a few hundred members to over 100,000 in the case of Ng?puhi. Many people do not live in their traditional tribal regions as a result of urban migration.
Iwi are usually governed by r?nanga (governing councils or trust boards) which represent the iwi in consultations and negotiations with the New Zealand government. R?nanga also manage tribal assets and spearhead health, education, economic and social initiatives to help iwi members.
M?ori on average have fewer assets than the rest of the population, and run greater risks of many negative economic and social outcomes. Over 50 per cent of M?ori live in areas in the three highest deprivation deciles, compared with 24 per cent of the rest of the population. Although M?ori make up only 14 per cent of the population, they make up almost 50 per cent of the prison population.
M?ori have higher unemployment-rates than other cultures resident in New Zealand  M?ori have higher numbers of suicides than non-M?ori. "Only 47 per cent of M?ori school-leavers finish school with qualifications higher than NCEA Level One; compared to 74 per cent European; 87 per cent Asian." Although New Zealand rates very well globally in the PISA rankings that compare national performance in reading, science and maths, "once you disaggregate the PISA scores, Pakeha students are second in the world and Maori are 34th." M?ori suffer more health problems, including higher levels of alcohol and drug abuse, smoking and obesity. Less frequent use of healthcare services mean that late diagnosis and treatment intervention lead to higher levels of morbidity and mortality in many manageable conditions, such as cervical cancer,diabetes per head of population than non-M?ori. Although M?ori life expectancy rates have increased dramatically in the last 50 years, they still have considerably lower life-expectancies compared to New Zealanders of European ancestry: in 2004, M?ori males lived 69.0 years vs. non-M?ori males 77.2 years; M?ori females 73.2 yrs vs. non-M?ori females 81.9 years. This gap had narrowed by 2013: 72.8 years for men and 76.5 years for women, compared to 80.2 years for non-M?ori men and 83.7 years for non-M?ori women. Also, a recent study by the New Zealand Family Violence Clearinghouse showed that M?ori women and children are more likely to experience domestic violence than any other ethnic group.
The status of M?ori as the indigenous people of New Zealand is recognised in New Zealand law by the term tangata whenua (lit. "people of the land"), which identifies the traditional connection between M?ori and a given area of land. M?ori as a whole can be considered as tangata whenua of New Zealand entirely; individual iwi are recognised as tangata whenua for areas of New Zealand in which they are traditionally based, while hap? are tangata whenua within their marae. New Zealand law periodically requires consultation between the government and tangata whenua--for example, during major land development projects. This usually takes the form of negotiations between local or national government and the r?nanga of one or more relevant iwi, although the government generally decides which (if any) concerns are acted upon.
M?ori issues are a prominent feature of race relations in New Zealand. Historically, many P?keh? viewed race relations in their country as being the "best in the world", a view that prevailed until M?ori urban migration in the mid-20th century brought cultural and socioeconomic differences to wider attention.
M?ori protest movements grew significantly in the 1960s and 1970s seeking redress for past grievances, particularly in regard to land rights. Successive governments have responded by enacting affirmative action programmes, funding cultural rejuvenation initiatives and negotiating tribal settlements for past breaches of the Treaty of Waitangi. Further efforts have focused on cultural preservation and reducing socioeconomic disparity.
Nevertheless, race relations remains a contentious issue in New Zealand society. M?ori advocates continue to push for further redress claiming that their concerns are being marginalised or ignored. A 2007 Department of Corrections report found that M?ori are disproportionately represented in the criminal justice system not only because they commit more crimes but also because they face prejudice at many levels: "a number of studies have shown evidence of greater likelihood, associated only with ethnicity, for M?ori offenders to have police contact, be charged, lack legal representation, not be granted bail, plead guilty, be convicted, be sentenced to non-monetary penalties, and be denied release to Home Detention". Conversely, critics denounce the scale of assistance given to M?ori as amounting to preferential treatment for a select group of people based on race. Both sentiments were highlighted during the foreshore and seabed controversy in 2004, in which the New Zealand government claimed sole ownership of the New Zealand foreshore and seabed, over the objections of M?ori groups who were seeking customary title.
The New Zealand Law Commission has started a project to develop a legal framework for M?ori who want to manage communal resources and responsibilities. The voluntary system proposes an alternative to existing companies, incorporations, and trusts in which tribes and hap? and other groupings can interact with the legal system. The foreshadowed legislation, under the proposed name of the "Waka Umanga (M?ori Corporations) Act", would provide a model adaptable to suit the needs of individual iwi. At the end of 2009, the proposed legislation was awaiting a second hearing.
Wider commercial exposure has increased public awareness of the M?ori culture, but has also resulted in several notable legal disputes. Between 1998 and 2006, Ng?ti Toa attempted to trademark the haka "Ka Mate" to prevent its use by commercial organisations without their permission. In 2001, Danish toymaker Lego faced legal action by several M?ori tribal groups (fronted by lawyer Maui Solomon) and members of the on-line discussion forum Aotearoa Cafe for trademarking M?ori words used in naming the Bionicle product range (see Bionicle M?ori controversy).
M?ori have been involved in New Zealand politics since the Declaration of the Independence of New Zealand, before the Treaty of Waitangi was signed in 1840. M?ori have had reserved seats in the New Zealand Parliament since 1868: presently, this accounts for seven of the 122 seats in New Zealand's unicameral parliament. The contesting of these seats was the first opportunity for many M?ori to participate in New Zealand elections, although the elected M?ori representatives initially struggled to assert significant influence. M?ori received universal suffrage with other New Zealand citizens in 1893.
Being a traditionally tribal people, no one organisation ostensibly speaks for all M?ori nationwide. The M?ori King Movement originated in the 1860s as an attempt by several iwi to unify under one leader: in modern times, it serves a largely ceremonial role. Another attempt at political unity was the Kotahitanga Movement, which established a separate M?ori Parliament that held annual sessions from 1892 until its last sitting in 1902.
There are seven designated M?ori seats in the New Zealand Parliament (and M?ori can and do stand in and win general roll seats), and consideration of and consultation with M?ori have become routine requirements for councils and government organisations.
Debate occurs frequently as to the relevance and legitimacy of the M?ori electoral roll and seats. The National Party announced in 2008 it would abolish the seats when all historic Treaty settlements have been resolved, which it aimed to complete by 2014. However, after the election National reached an agreement with the M?ori Party not to abolish the seats until M?ori give their approval.
Several M?ori political parties have formed over the years to improve the position of M?ori in New Zealand society. The present M?ori Party, formed in 2004, secured 1.32 per cent of the party vote at the 2014 general election and held two seats in the 51st New Zealand Parliament, with two MPs serving as Ministers outside Cabinet. The party did not achieve any representatives in the 52nd New Zealand Parliament.
From this week, the Horowhenua Chronicle and all websites and newspaper publications in the NZME group, take a big step toward giving the M?ori language the recognition it deserves.
Whole tribes sometimes relocated to swamps where flax grew in abundance but where it was unhealthy to live. Swamps were ideal places for the breeding of the TB bacillus.
The M?ori renaissance since 1970 has been a remarkable phenomenon.