M?ori culture (M?ori: M?oritanga) is the customs, cultural practices, and beliefs of the indigenous M?ori people of New Zealand. It originated from, and is still part of, Eastern Polynesian culture. M?ori culture forms a distinctive part of New Zealand culture and, due to a large diaspora and the incorporation of M?ori motifs into popular culture, is found throughout the world. Within M?oridom, and to a lesser extent throughout New Zealand as a whole, the word M?oritanga is often used as an approximate synonym for M?ori culture, the M?ori-language suffix -tanga being roughly equivalent to the qualitative noun-ending -ness in English.M?oritanga has also been translated as "[a] M?ori way of life."
Four distinct but overlapping cultural eras have contributed historically to M?ori culture:
Traditional M?ori arts play a large role in New Zealand art. They include whakairo (carving), raranga (weaving), kapa haka (group performance), whaik?rero (oratory), and t? moko (tattoo). The patterns and characters represented record the beliefs and genealogies (whakapapa) of M?ori. Practitioners often follow the techniques of their ancestors, but in the 21st century M?oritanga also includes contemporary arts such as film, television, poetry and theatre.
The M?ori language is known as te reo M?ori, shortened to te reo (literally, "the language"). At the beginning of the twentieth century, it seemed as if te reo M?ori - as well as other aspects of M?ori life - might disappear. In the 1980s, however, government-sponsored schools (Kura Kaupapa M?ori) began to teach in te reo, educating those with European as well as those with M?ori ancestry.
M?ori cultural history intertwines inextricably with the culture of Polynesia as a whole. The New Zealand archipelago forms the southwestern corner of the Polynesian Triangle, a major of the Pacific Ocean with three island groups at its corners: the Hawaiian Islands, Rapa Nui (Easter Island), and New Zealand (Aotearoa in M?ori). The many island cultures within the Polynesian Triangle share similar languages derived from a proto-Malayo-Polynesian language used in southeastern Asia 5,000 years ago. Polynesians also share cultural traditions such as religion, social organisation, myths, and material culture. Anthropologists believe that all Polynesians descend from a South Pacific proto-culture developed by an Austronesian (Malayo-Polynesian) people who had migrated from southeastern Asia. (Other main Polynesian cultures include those of: Rapa Nui (now known as Easter Island), Hawaii, the Marquesas, Samoa, Tahiti, Tonga, and the Cook Islands.) Over the last five millennia, proto-Polynesians and their descendants perfomed a sequence of complicated and remarkable transoceanic treks in an unprecedented accomplishment of navigation and curiosity. The final segments of these feats crossed extreme and unmatched distances: to Hawaii, Rapa Nui, and Aotearoa.
Polynesian seafarers were ocean navigators and astronomers. Polynesians would travel long distances by sea. The strong female presence among early settlers in New Zealand suggests that Polynesian migration voyages were not accidental but deliberate. The most current reliable evidence strongly indicates that initial settlement of New Zealand occurred around 1280 CE from the Society Islands.[page needed] In 1769 the experienced Society Island navigator Tupaia joined Captain Cook in the Endeavour on his voyage south. Despite a gap of many hundreds of years, Tupaia was able to understand the M?ori language, which was very similar to the language he spoke. His presence and ability to translate avoided much of the friction that occurred between other European explorers and M?ori in New Zealand. European sailors, including Cook, found Polynesian sailors lost at sea, suggesting that by the mid-18th century knowledge of long-distance navigation was not ubiquitous.[need quotation to verify]
Researchers often label the time from about 1280 to about 1450 the Archaic period or "Moa-hunter period" - after the moa, the large flightless bird that formed a large part of the diet of the early Polynesian settlers. During this period M?ori adapted to their new environment, but culturally they changed little from their tropical Pacific ancestors. The immigrants brought many edible plants from their home islands in the central Pacific, and of these k?mara (sweet potato) would become the most important. The far South of Aotearoa, however, had too cold a climate for growing any of these crops. Large quantities of t? tubers were eaten that were slow-cooked in large umu or h?ngi (earth ovens) to get rid of the poison and to produce a slightly sweet pulp. Shellfish, fish, sharks and seals were also common foods. Native dogs (kur?) and rats were brought from the Pacific Islands. The introduction of rats undoubtedly had more impact on New Zealand wildlife than any other organism apart from humans.[need quotation to verify] The dogs aided in hunting but also served as food.[citation not found]
The new environment offered challenges to the Polynesian settlers. The colder climate meant that tropical staple crops needed careful cultivation to survive, and some failed to grow locally. K?mara was an important crop that arrived with the Polynesian settlers. Much of the activity to produce k?mara became ritualised - it was even associated[by whom?] with Rongom?t?ne (Rongo), a high-ranking atua (god). (K?mara featured in some whakatauk? (proverbs): "Kaore te k?mara e k?rero mo t?na m?ngaro" (the k?mara does not speak of its own sweetness) encouraged people to be modest.)
Seasonal activities included gardening, fishing and the hunting of birds. Main tasks were segregated for men and women, but there were also a lot of group activities involving food gathering and food cultivation.
These early colonists explored New Zealand to find suitable stones for tool-making. The main stone-source areas included Mayor Island, Taupo and Kerikeri for obsidian (volcanic glass); prospectors soon found pounamu (greenstone or jade) and pakohe (argillite) resources in the South Island in the areas of present-day Reefton and Nelson. Basalt was later also found which is prospected to have a use in construction.[dead link] Stone served in all aspects of Polynesian life: from chopping wood to cutting and slicing food, as anchors for waka (canoes) and for fishing nets, for retaining the heat in a h?ngi, as drills using chert, and for stone clubs. These practices, well preserved at the Wairau Bar archeological site, were typical of East Polynesian culture at the same time.
Two Polynesian artefacts link early settlers to Polynesia. One, a turret shell only found in the South Pacific islands, most notably in the Society Islands, has been reworked into a small chisel found at Wairau Bar and dated to about 1300. The other is a 6 cm-long Polynesian pearl fishing-lure found at Tairua in 1962. This lure has been reliably dated to the early- to mid-14th century. It was found at a typical small coastal moa-hunters' site which has been interpreted as an itinerant hunting camp (whakaruruhau). The discovery of Mayor Island obsidian on the Kermadec Islands, halfway between New Zealand and Tonga, strongly suggests that return journeys were made.
The new land also provided new opportunities: M?ori learned to use local resources like pounamu, native timber, harakeke and the abundant birdlife, producing practical tools or food, as well as beautiful ornaments and items of clothing. This adaptation to the opportunities and challenges of the new environment led to the development of the Classic M?ori culture.
M?ori artifacts began to change around the 15th century from an East Polynesian style to one more recognisably "classic" M?ori, a style which persisted well into the contact period in the 18th and 19th centuries. At the same time, M?ori groups became less nomadic, more settled in defined territories, and more dependent on gardening as a food source. Reliance on stored food such as k?mara tubers meant that stores needed to be protected from marauding neighbours. The widespread construction of large fortifications called p? on prominent hills and spurs dates from this time, as evidence of the development of a more martial, tribal culture. Not all aspects of this culture occurred universally, particularly in the South Island where k?mara could not be easily grown.
Because of the very small number of Europeans who visited New Zealand in the 18th and early 19th century, the core values of M?ori culture altered little. Henry Williams estimated there were only 1100 Europeans in the North Island in 1839, with 200 of them missionaries, and a total of about 500-600 Europeans in the Bay of Islands. The northern M?ori population at the time has been estimated at about 30,000 to 40,000, down from about 100,000, fifty years before. This drop in population was mostly due to disease and to the Musket Wars of 1807-1837.
For decades, European missionaries, mostly living in the north of the North Island, had very little influence over M?ori behaviour. Missionaries report being appalled at the violent, seemingly arbitrary nature of M?ori behaviour, including warfare, slavery, cannibalism, sexual abuse of women, killing of female children and revenge killings. However, by 1840, many of these customs were all but abolished[by whom?] or not publicly practised.
In the coastal South Island, the M?ori population was very small. Whalers, often based in Australia, set up shore stations along the southern and eastern coasts and formed M?ori-European working communities. In the early 1800s chiefs common provided M?ori wives - often their daughters - to whalers. By the 1820s European men had married about 200 M?ori women in the coastal area between present-day Christchurch and Invercargill, about half of all the marriageable-aged women in the South Island - in fact, M?ori men started to find it hard to compete for wives.
Contact with Europeans enabled M?ori to access the material culture of Great Britain, then the most advanced industrial country in the world. By 1800 the desire for iron objects such as large ships' nails overcame apprehension about boarding an anchored ship and this drove M?ori trading behaviour until 1840. Desirable steel objects and blankets were at first traded for fish. M?ori were generally very curious about European culture after initial misunderstandings and apprehension - M?ori showed great ability to accept changes and to integrate these into their normal way of life[citation not found] The French expedition of Marion du Fresne, who visited Aotearoa in 1772, gave northern M?ori potatoes, wheat, onions, goats, pigs, chickens and other food to raise. Potatoes and pigs rapidly became a key part of M?ori agriculture in the north, but the new food was almost exclusively reserved for trading purposes, with M?ori themselves still eating fish and fern roots, supplemented by k?mara. Later, as M?ori grew large areas of potatoes (Hongi Hika had a 40-acre potato field), whalers would call into the Bay of Islands, in particular, to trade for fresh supplies.
One significant change was the immediacy of reciprocation in trade. In traditional M?ori tikanga, when an item was given there was no expectation of immediate response, as gifted items were mainly food, which was governed by seasonal supply. When dealing with Europeans, M?ori learnt that immediate payment was expected. Gift-giving was a different matter in M?ori culture. Gifts were given to recognise mana (power or authority).
Burial practices changed to incorporate aspects of Christianity. Bodies were usually buried in the ground by the mid-1840s, although sometimes coffins decorated with M?ori motifs were used, suspended in trees or on poles as drawn by J. Polack. These were highly tapu.
Slaves (taurekareka or m?kai) were members of rival tribes which were taken prisoner during warfare and made to work on activities which were not tapu. The term taurekareka was also used to denote something abhorrent and signifies the complete loss of mana of slaves. There is little direct information on M?ori slaves before the Musket Wars. Oral tradition records that slavery was practised, but early European explorers speculated that it must be rare or even absent. During the Musket Wars, however, the number of slaves taken as prisoners increased immensely and became an import part of some tribes social structure.
Generally, only female slaves were kept as they were a less threat and more useful as potato farmers and partners. In 1834 Ngapuhi, partly due to the influence of missionaries such as Henry Williams, freed slaves they had captured in earlier wars, The only place in New Zealand where slavery was common after 1835 was in the Chatham Islands. During the Musket Wars, North Taranaki tribes Ngati Tama and Ngati Mutanga invaded, massacred and enslaved the remaining population until about 1863.
Early M?ori dried (mokomokai) and displayed the heads and practised cannibalism of fallen enemies. One possible motivation is that it was a reminder of the deceased, another as a trophy made from the heads of slain enemies. Another possibility was that it was a ritualistic way of capturing the enemies' mana, as heads of chiefs, in particular, were very tapu. Heads might be returned in an effort to settle a tribal disagreement, but they were never traded. Later in their desire to obtain European muskets and powder in the 1820s, northern M?ori produced a profusion of tattooed severed heads for sale to traders.
M?ori continued to experience significant cultural change into the next century. In 1900 few M?ori lived in European urban settlements. This changed very slowly. There were only 1,766 M?ori in Auckland in 1935. In 1936 only 11.2% of M?ori lived in urban areas. By 1945 this had risen to 19% and by 1971 to 68%. These changes reflect a significant alteration in the basis for income and employment - from working on rural land to working mainly in construction, freezing works or labouring. The dominant factors influencing this shift were the burgeoning M?ori population and the inability of the land to support the increasing population.
During the 1930s and 1940s, MP Ngata had passed land legislation to help M?ori make better use of their remaining tribal land. M?ori were handicapped in using and developing the land for modern agriculture as much M?ori land was steep, remote, erosion-prone with high rainfall. European farmers who owned their land freehold mechanised to gain higher productivity, using bank loans for the new equipment. M?ori were unable to gain loans as their land was generally tribal land and could not be used for securing individual loans. Leasing land to European farmers gave M?ori a steady income but this was spread among many people. M?ori farming was often based on a different system of values and not driven by European goals of efficiency and high productivity.
Apart from jobs, another attraction to urban migration were the monetary, recreational and lifestyle attractions of the city. Many M?ori felt that success lay in the city rather than the country. King describes this as a "fantasy contagion-the realty did not live up to the myth but this did not stop the fantasy or the migration". Other changes were a rising birth rate. In 1955, the M?ori birth rate was nearly double the European rate at 43.6 compared to 26 per 1000. At the same time, M?ori had fewer qualifications. In 1956 6.5% of M?ori held professional, managerial or clerical jobs compared to 26.7% non-M?ori. As a result, only 3.36% of M?ori earned 700 pounds or more per annum compared to 18.6% for non-M?ori. M?ori were significantly impacted by changing economic circumstances such as the drop in wool prices. This made M?ori more vulnerable to economic and social deprivation. King says that the lower M?ori educational attainment lead to lower income jobs, which led to lower income, poor housing, and poor health, which in turn led to higher rates of crime.
These ingredients were potential causes of racial tension. They were seen by the wider community as "M?ori problems". By the 1970s and 1980s, enough urbanised M?ori had reached positions of influence to bring about a gradual but radical change to the thinking of governments. Their advocacy was underscored by an increasing willingness to use vigorous protest to push Mana M?ori. Young urban radicals beat up a group of University students taking a comical view of M?ori dance. Protestors occupied Bastion Point which was claimed as M?ori land and resisted police arrest. In Raglan local M?ori protesters reclaimed ownership of land used as an airstrip and golf course.
From the early 1970s a new generation of radicals arose demanding more M?ori influence. Amongst the demands were for increased tino rangatiratanga. The expression, an abstraction of the word for aristocracy, had been coined by Henry Williams in the Treaty of Waitangi to convey the idea of "chieftainship". However, the term was often used by M?ori to express the idea of political rights for all M?ori, not just the rangatira class, or the idea of M?ori sovereignty or M?ori independence.
Educated urban M?ori advocated the teaching of M?ori language and the inclusion of a M?ori point of view in all aspects of education. M?ori began to express their ideas in new political movements with M?ori voters switching from supporting the Labour party to alternatives such as the M?ori lead New Zealand First party in 1992. The introduction of MMP (Mixed Member Proportional) elections in 1996 had the effect of giving minority groups of any shades, more influence. The 1996 election produced 14 M?ori MPs with 3 in the cabinet. M?ori MP Winston Peters, was the deputy Prime minister.
This position set high expectations for positive results from the Treaty of Waitangi Tribunal which was set up to investigate M?ori grievances against historical New Zealand governments in relation to the treaty. From the early 1990s a series of favourable outcomes from the treaty tribunal resulted in a large flow of capital in the form of land, primary resources and cash from the government to various M?ori iwi (tribe or nation) and hap? (subtribe or clan). A key concept was the continued occupation of an area of land (Ahi kaa). The largest tribal deals approached $1 billion although many were far smaller. This gave iwi and hap? organisations a source of financial security they had not had previously. To 2013 the total paid by government exceeds $4 billion. These resulted in a more cohesive tribal organisation as all assets went to tribal or hap? organisations. In 2012 it was estimated[by whom?] that the total value of M?ori-controlled assets was about $400 billion. As of June 2018 , 70 settlements have reached the stage of being passed into legislation, with a further 45 settlements in various stages of negotiation.
Some of the fundamental cultural concepts of M?oritanga are present throughout Polynesia, but all have been altered by New Zealand's unique history and environment.
Mana is a cultural concept of the M?ori, meaning a sacred power or authority. Mana is sacred power bestowed by the gods on the ancestral lineage of chiefs, or tohunga. While the mana itself is a supernatural gift, the chief is free to waste or magnify it. Historian Judith Binney says that maintaining and increasing the mana of wh?nau and hap? and loyalty within the group is unquestionably at the heart of M?ori cultural concepts. She says that M?ori cultural history is confusing to the uninformed as it consists of narrative-myths that stretch far back in time. Also confusing is that chronological time is irrelevant or distorted[citation not found] to the M?ori cultural story, so a person living in the present may narrate a story about their family or hap? that happened centuries ago; nonetheless, the narrator appears as a contemporary figure in the myth.
A key element of cultural leadership is to link the narrator to a well known historical figure with mana (prestige/authority power).[citation not found] This is why being able to recite the family history is so important. In M?ori culture names of people and places are fluid. Individuals may change their name several times or have several different names that they use depending on the cultural situation. In the past, hap? changed names if they moved to another area where an alternative name was more positive. One of the main reasons for name fluidity was access to resources. As a hap? moved seasonally to utilise different resources its name changed to reflect an ancestor who had historical-cultural rights to that resource. Binney says that being connected to a powerful hap? with many well-known ancestors was important for protection and survival. As M?ori communication was almost totally oral until well into the contact period, oral myth-narratives became more varied to match the needs of each hap? or whanau.
Whakapapa is the origin and path of descent of a person, object or geographic area. A person's whakapapa establishes their mana and tribal connections. It can be recited as an introduction (mihimihi).
Utu is often associated with the word 'revenge'. However, in a broader sense, utu is meant as the preservation of balance and harmony within a civilisation. In the concept of utu, a fault must always be corrected and a kindness repaid. However, the means by which this is accomplished may vary greatly by case. In the context of a gift exchange, utu creates and preserves social connections and commitments. Utu recovers balance in the event that social relations are interrupted. A version of utu, muru, is defined as the confiscation of a person's possessions as reparation for a misdeed against an individual, community, or society.[citation not found]
Gift exchange was governed by three basic principles. Firstly giving had to have the appearance of being free and spontaneous, without stipulation of a return present. Secondly, a strict system of obligation was in force whereby the receiver was bound to not only reciprocate but to increase the value of the reciprocated gift. Thirdly the system demanded that further social obligation had now been established to continue the exchanges. Failure to respond meant loss of mana or influence. Where parties had travelled a long way to give a present it was expected that the return gift be immediate but often due to seasonal food supplies it was accepted that a return gift would be given at some later date when supplies allowed. While a gift conveyed an obligation to return the favour, so did an insult. The response might be a martial one. Historian Angela Ballara describes warfare as a "learned, culturally determined [response] to offences against the rules of M?ori society."
Tapu is similar to mana. Together, they keep the harmony of things. Tapu sustains structure and social order. It can be seen as a legal or religious concept, that is centred on the idea of being "forbidden" and "sacred." When a person, place, or thing is considered to be tapu, it is often distinguished as something in high value and importance, being set aside by the gods.
Kaum?tua (or sometimes Kuia for women) are respected tribal elders of either gender in a M?ori community who have been involved with their wh?nau for a number of years. They are appointed by their people who believe the chosen elders have the capacity to teach and guide both current and future generations. It is against the rules of mana for anyone to self-proclaim their elder status, instead, the people acknowledge an elder's kaum?tua status. In the past, kaum?tua were believed to be "the reincarnation of a person who had acquired a supernatural or godly status after death, and who had become the protector of the family".
K?h? are gifts to the hosts, often of food or traditional items, though money is most commonly used today. Traditionally, the essence of k?h? is that it is voluntary and comes from the heart, so to specify the amount is contrary to its spirit. Increasingly, it is common for the k?h? to be a fixed sum per head that is communicated to the guests in private, so there is no embarrassment. Recipients rely on the donors' aroha (empathy), manaakitanga (cherishing) and wairua (spirit) to ensure that it is enough. Thanks for k?h? are accordingly warm.
Matariki, "M?ori New Year", celebrates the first rising of the Pleiades in late May or early June. Traditionally the actual time for the celebration of Matariki varies, with some iwi celebrating it immediately, others waiting until the rising of the next full moon. It is a day where they pay respect to the people they have lost but also gain over the last year that has passed. They celebrate the day and night with prayers, feasting, singing and music. After lapsing for many years it is now becoming more widely celebrated in a range of ways and over the period of a week or month anywhere from early June to late July.
Toi whakairo or just whakairo is the M?ori traditional art of carving in wood, stone or bone. Some surviving whakairo, or carvings, are over 500 years old. Wood carvings were used to decorate houses, fence-poles, containers, taiaha, tool handles, and other objects. Large-scale stone-face carvings were sometimes created. The most popular type of stone used in carving was pounamu (greenstone), a form of jade, but other kinds were also used, especially in the North Island, where pounamu was not widely available. Bone was used for delicate items such as fish-hooks and needles. Both stone and bone were used to create jewellery such as the hei-tiki. The introduction of metal tools by Europeans allowed more intricacy and delicacy, and caused stone and bone tools to become purely decorative.
Tohunga whakairo are master craftsmen. M?ori traditionally believed that the gods created and communicated through them. Carving is a tapu art, subject to the rules and laws of tapu, and traditionally performed by men only; women were not permitted near te toi whakaaro. Many carvers express their practices in explicitly spiritual terms. Pieces of wood that fell aside as the carver worked were never thrown away, neither were they used for the cooking of food.
The M?ori Arts and Crafts Institute at Whakarewarewa in Rotorua is a stronghold of traditional carving skills.Hone Taiapa was head of this school for some time. Since the M?ori Renaissance there has been a resurgence of interest in whakairo, alongside other traditional M?ori practices, with a much greater integration with mainstream contemporary art. The M?ori Art Market (funded by the state-sponsored Toi M?ori Aotearoa) is a significant venue for the promotion and sale of whakairo.
Notable carvers include
T? moko is the traditional M?ori art of tattooing the skin; a moko is an instance of the art. Prior to colonization, most high-ranking persons received moko as an important milestone between childhood and adulthood, and those who went without them were perceived to have lower social status. The art was a sacred activity accompanied by many rites and rituals. Men generally received moko on their faces, buttocks and thighs, women on their lips and chins. The facial form gives details of the wearer's lineage, status, and origin.
Historically, moko combined tattooing with scarification, in that the skin was carved with uhi (chisels), not punctured. This left the skin with grooves rather than a smooth surface. Uhi were made from albatross bone and hafted to a handle. Pigments were made from the awheto for the body colour, and ngarehu (burnt timbers) for the blacker face colour. The soot from burnt kauri gum was also mixed with fat to make pigment. In the late 19th century uhi were gradually replaced with needles, and moko became smooth tattoos instead of textured scars.
Since 1990 there has been a resurgence in the practice of t? moko for both men and women, as a sign of cultural identity and a reflection of the general revival of M?ori language and culture. Most t? moko applied today is done using a tattoo machine, but there has also been a revival of the use of uhi.
Charcoal drawings can be found on limestone rock shelters in the centre of the South Island, with over 500 sites stretching from Kaikoura to North Otago. The drawings are estimated to be between 500 and 800 years old, and portray animals, humans and legendary creatures, possibly stylised reptiles. Some of the birds pictured are extinct, including moa and Haast's eagles. They were drawn by early M?ori, but by the time Europeans arrived, local inhabitants did not know the origins of the drawings.
Although the oldest forms of M?ori art are Archaic rock paintings, painting was not a major art form in the Classical period. It was mainly used to produce decorative panels in wharenui (meeting houses), in stylised forms known as k?whaiwhai. Europeans introduced M?ori to their more figurative style of art, and in the 19th century less stylised depictions of people and plants began to appear on wharenui walls in place of traditional carvings and woven panels. The introduction of European paints also allowed traditional painting to flourish, as brighter and more distinct colours could be produced.
With the resurgence of M?ori culture in the public sphere from the 1970s onwards came a new emphasis on painting, alongside the more traditional M?ori visual art forms, as a means of asserting M?ori identity and beliefs. Contemporary and recent M?ori painters include Ralph Hotere (1931-2013),Shane Cotton (born 1964),Marilynn Webb (born 1937), and Mary Wirepa (1904-1971).
The koru is a spiral shape resembling a new unfurling silver fern frond. It is an integral symbol used in whakairo, t? moko, and painting, where it symbolises new life, growth, strength and peace. Its shape "conveys the idea of perpetual movement," while the inner coil "suggests returning to the point of origin".
The koru is the integral motif of the symbolic and seemingly abstract k?whaiwhai designs traditionally used to decorate wharenui. There are numerous semi-formal designs, representing different features of the natural world.
The logo of Air New Zealand incorporates a koru design--based on the Ngaru (Ng?ti Kahungunu) k?whaiwhai pattern--as a symbol of the flora of New Zealand. The logo was introduced in 1973 to coincide with the arrival of the airline's first McDonnell Douglas DC-10 wide-body jet. 
M?ori prior to European colonization wore woven garments for protection from the weather and to denote social status. There were two main types of garments: a knee-length kilt or grass skirt worn around the waist and secured by a belt, and a rectangular cape or cloak worn over the shoulders. Cloaks (korowai) in particular were symbols of high rank.
Textiles were made from a number of plants, including harakeke (New Zealand flax), wharariki, t? k?uka, t, p?ngao, kiekie and toetoe. The paper mulberry was introduced from the tropical Pacific by M?ori, who knew it as aute, but it failed to flourish in New Zealand's cooler climate, and bark cloth (tapa) was rare. Cloaks woven from strips of dog-skin rather than plant fibres (kahu kur?) were rare and highly prized.
Raw flax leaves were split and woven into mats, ropes and nets, but the basis of most clothing was prepared flax fibre (muka). This was stripped from the leaves using a mussel shell, softened by soaking and pounding with stone pestles (patu muka), and spun by rolling the thread against the leg. Colours for dyeing muka were sourced from indigenous materials.
The weaving process (whatu) for clothing was performed not with a loom and shuttle but with the warp threads being twined downward by hand from a strong thread held taut between two or four upright weaving sticks (turuturu). A variety of techniques were used for fine clothing. The technique known as t?niko is a M?ori innovation, producing intricate geometric designs in many colours for belts and cloak borders.
Little of the human body had to be concealed for modesty's sake. In informal settings, men went naked except for a belt with a piece of string attached holding their foreskin shut over their glans penis. Women covered their pubic area with small aprons or bunches of fragrant plant material when in the presence of men - although these parts could be exposed in protest. Pre-pubescent children wore no clothes at all. There was no shame or modesty attached to women's breasts, and therefore no garments devoted to concealing them; the t?niko bodices (pari) now worn in kapa haka performances became standard costume only in the 1950s. The European colonists regarded nudity as obscene, and cited it as a sign of M?ori racial inferiority (calling them "naked savages").
Compared with European clothing, traditional garments took a long time to make and did not offer much protection or warmth. From the early sealing days, M?ori working in sealing camps in the South Island adopted European clothing, which soon became widely available from itinerant peddlers. Blankets were in high demand and were often worn as kilts, cloaks, or shawls. Since the end of the 19th century, traditional clothing is only used on ceremonial occasions.
Kapa haka (haka groups) often come together to practice and perform cultural items such as waiata or songs, especially action songs, and haka for entertainment. Poi dances may also form part of the repertoire. Traditional instruments sometime accompany the group, though the guitar is also commonly used. Many New Zealand schools now have a kapa haka as part of the M?ori studies curriculum. Today, national kapa haka competitions are held where groups are judged to find the best performers; these draw large crowds. The common expression "kapa haka group" is, strictly speaking, a tautology.
The haka - an action chant, often described as a "war dance", but more a chant with hand gestures and foot stomping, originally performed by warriors before a battle, proclaiming their strength and prowess by way of abusing the opposition. Now, this procedure is regularly performed by New Zealand representatives of rugby and rugby league teams before a game begins. There are many different haka; though, one, "Ka mate" by Te Rauparaha, is much more widely known than any other.
M?ori take part fully in New Zealand's sporting culture with both the national Rugby league and Rugby Union teams have featured many M?ori players, and other sports also feature many M?ori players. There are also national M?ori rugby union, rugby league and cricket teams, which play in international competitions, separate from the main national ones.
M?ori were quick to learn the power of the printed word. The first M?ori newspaper appeared in 1842. A number of different newspapers such as Te Pipiwharauroa and Te Korimako were written in the M?ori language to convey information to a widespread M?ori audience, often of a political or ideological nature. Although print runs were often small it was common for a newspaper to be passed around a whole hap?. Although the government printed newspapers in M?ori such as Te Karere Maori, the Kingitanga movement was anxious to convey their own message to M?ori. Whereas the government and missionaries often used their newspapers as an educational tool - to inform M?ori of British laws and customs - the Kingitanga countered this with arguments for self-determination. M?ori newspapers eagerly reported on events from overseas that showed groups such as the Irish challenging British sovereignty to obtain home rule.
Films that feature M?ori themes and culture include:
The novels of Witi Ihimaera and the short stories of Patricia Grace provide an insider's view of the culture. The Bone People a novel by Keri Hulme, won the Booker Prize for Fiction in 1985. Jacqueline Sturm was the first M?ori woman to complete an undergraduate university degree, at Victoria University College, followed by an MA in Philosophy.Sidney Moko Mead wrote Tikanga Maori: Living by M?ori Values, which provides a thorough introduction about the M?ori way of doing things, both in the past and present.
Well-known M?ori actors and actresses include Temuera Morrison, Cliff Curtis, Lawrence Makoare, Manu Bennett, and Keisha Castle-Hughes. They appear in films such as Whale Rider, Star Wars: Episode III - Revenge of the Sith, The Matrix, King Kong, River Queen, The Lord of The Rings, Rapa Nui, and others, and famous television series like Xena: Warrior Princess, Hercules: The Legendary Journeys, The Lost World and Spartacus: Blood and Sand. In most cases their roles in Hollywood productions have them portraying ethnic groups other than M?ori.
In the 2010s M?ori actor-director Taika Waititi rose to global fame with the Marvel Cinematic Universe film Thor: Ragnarok (in which he played an alien named Korg), which many critics noted carried a sophisticated commentary on colonization under the comedy. Waititi went on to win an Academy Award, which he dedicated "to the indigenous kids of the world", for the screenplay of his anti-hate satire Jojo Rabbit, in which he played Adolf Hitler as imagined by a ten-year-old Hitler Youth member. His previous films include Boy and Hunt for the Wilderpeople, both of which feature young M?ori protagonists.
M?ori Television is a New Zealand TV station broadcasting programmes that tries to make a significant contribution to the revitalisation of te reo and tikanga M?ori. Funded by the New Zealand Government, the station started broadcasting on 28 March 2004 from a base in Newmarket.
Te Reo is the station's second channel, launched 28 March 2008. Te Reo is presented in 100% M?ori language with no advertising or subtitles. It features special tribal programming with a particular focus on new programming for the fluent audience.
The most appropriate venue for any M?ori cultural event is a marae, which is an enclosed area of land where a meeting house or wharenui (literally "big house") stands. A marae is the centre for much of M?ori community life. Generally the M?ori language is used in ceremonies and speeches, although translations and explanations are provided when the primary participants are not M?ori speakers. Increasingly, New Zealand schools and universities have their own marae to facilitate the teaching of M?ori language and culture.
The marae is a communal ceremonial centre where meetings and ceremonies take place in accordance with traditional protocols. The marae symbolises group unity and generally consists of an open cleared area in front of a large carved meeting house, along with a dining hall and other facilities necessary to provide a comfortable stay for visiting groups. On the marae official functions take place including formal welcomes, celebrations, weddings, christenings, reunions, and tangihanga (funerals). The older people have the authority on the marae, and they impart, primarily through oral tradition, traditions and cultural practices to the young people. These include genealogy, spirituality, oratory, and politics, and arts such as music composition, performance, weaving, or carving.
The hui or meeting, usually on a marae. It begins with a p?whiri (a welcoming ceremony). If a visitor is noteworthy, he or she may be welcomed with an aggressive challenge by a warrior armed with a taiaha (traditional fighting staff), who then offers a token of peace, such as a fern frond, to the visitor. Acceptance of the token in the face of such aggression is a demonstration of the courage and mana of the visitor. The p?whiri is highly structured, with speeches from both hosts and guests following a traditional format, their sequence dictated by the kawa (protocol) of that place, and followed by waiata, songs. Hui are held for business, for festivities or for rites of passage such as baptism, marriage and death. It is appreciated if foreign guests can say a few words in M?ori and sing a song they are familiar with as a group.
The details of the protocols, called "tikanga" or "kawa", vary by iwi but in all cases locals and visitors have to respect certain rules especially during the rituals of encounter. When a group of people come to stay on a marae, they are considered manuhiri (guests) while the hosts of the marae are known as tangata whenua ("people of the land").
Although marae have modern cooking facilities, the traditional h?ngi is still used to provide meals for large groups because the food it produces is considered flavourful. The h?ngi consists of a shallow hole dug in the ground, in which a fire is prepared and stones are placed on the top. When the stones are hot, prepared food is placed on top of them, meat first and then vegetables such as k?mara, potatoes and pumpkin. The h?ngi is then covered with leaves or mats woven out of harakeke, or wet sacks, and soil is then heaped over the h?ngi to seal in the heat to cook the food.
Like in pre-European times, marae continue to be the location of many ceremonial events, including birthdays, weddings, and anniversaries. The most important event located at marae are tangihanga. Tangihanga are the means by which the dead are farewelled and the surviving family members supported in M?ori society. As indicated by Ka'ai and Higgins, "the importance of the tangihanga and its central place in marae custom is reflected in the fact that it takes precedence over any other gathering on the marae".
The tangi is a M?ori funeral. It almost always takes place on the home marae of the deceased. The rituals followed are essentially Christian. The tangi begins with a powhiri to welcome guests. It is normal for M?ori to travel very long distances to attend the tangi of a loved one. Often black clothes are worn, following Victorian practices. Guests will speak formally about the deceased on the marae atea often referring to tribal history and using humour. Pathos is commonly used to create a feeling of comfort and unity. Speeches are supported by waiata (songs). The whanau of the deceased sit by the coffin on the wharenui porch but do not speak or reply. The family may often hold or display photos of the deceased or important ancestors. A tangi may go on for several days, especially for a person of great mana. Rainfall during a tangi is seen as a divine sign of sorrow.[citation not found]
The history of individual tribal groups is kept by means of narratives, songs and chants, hence the importance of music, story and poetry. Oratory, the making of speeches, is especially important in the rituals of encounter, and it is regarded as important for a speaker to include allusions to traditional narrative and to a complex system of proverbial sayings, called whakatauk?. Oral traditions include songs, calls, chants, haka and formalised speech patterns that recall the history of the people.
The standard building in a classic M?ori settlement was a simple sleeping whare puni (house/hut) about 2 metres x 3 metres with a low roof, an earth floor, no window and a single low doorway. Heating was provided by a small open fire in winter. There was no chimney.
Material used in construction varied between areas, but raupo reeds, flax and totara bark shingles for the roof were common.[citation not found] Similar small whare, but with interior drains, were used to store k?mara on sloping racks.
In the classic period a higher proportion of whare were located inside p? than was the case after contact with Europeans. A chief's whare was similar but larger - often with full headroom in the centre, a small window and a partly enclosed front porch. In times of conflict the chief lived in a whare on the tihi or summit of a hill p?. In colder areas, such as in the North Island central plateau, it was common for whare to be partly sunk into the ground for better insulation.
Food was not cooked in the sleeping whare but in the open or under a kauta (lean-to). Saplings with branches and foliage removed were used to store and dry items such as fishing nets or cloaks. Valuable items were stored in pole-mounted storage shelters called p?taka. Other constructions were large racks for drying split fish.
During the construction of important buildings, slaves were sometimes used as a sacrifice. This practice was done in order to express the buildings' significance and to secure the gods' protection. For smaller buildings, small animals were sacrificed to distinguish it from other buildings and to exhibit its uniqueness.
The traditional M?ori whare continued to be used in rural areas in particular well into the post-contact period. They were usually very small with a dirt floor and full of vermin, especially fleas. In winter a central fire was lit that filled the whare with smoke which slowly filtered through the roof. Even as late as 1849 George Cooper, the assistant private secretary to George Grey, described a village in the relatively affluent lower Eastern Waihou River area as "a wretched place, containing about a dozen miserable raupo huts all tumbling to pieces". 11. In the 19th century settlements were hap?-based, and 5 buildings became standardised: the sleeping whare, kauta or communal cookhouse/shelter, whata or wood store, pataka or storehouse, and increasingly from the 1870s wharepuni or community meeting house. Significant finance and mana was invested in increasingly elaborate meeting houses which became a source of hap? or iwi pride and prestige.
A meeting house was likely to have outside carvings and increasingly as European tools were used, intricate interior carving and woven panels depicting tribal history. Rotorua became a centre of carving excellence under the encouragement of the M?ori MPs in the Young M?ori party. Itinerant specialist carvers travelled widely, employing their skills in many locations. Meetinghouses became places for tribal celebrations or political meetings, especially after the 1860s Land Wars. They were a place to display largesse and enhance mana with elaborate feasts and entertainment. By the 20th century wharepuni were common and averaged 18-24m long by 8m wide. There were no M?ori buildings of this size in pre-European days. As M?ori became familiar with European building construction and design they incorporated features such as chimneys and fireplaces and made use of bigger doorways and windows as well as sawn timber but even by the turn of the 19th century toilet facilities were often primitive, despite the urgings of the M?ori MPs Pomare and Ngata who worked hard to improve the standard of M?ori dwellings over their many years in office.[citation not found]
Traditional M?ori religion, has deviated little from its tropical Eastern Polynesian roots on the island of Hawaiki Nui. Accordingly, all things were thought of as possessing a life force or mauri. The god Tangaroa was the personification of the ocean and the ancestor or origin of all fish; T?ne was the personification of the forest and the origin of all birds; and Rongo was the personification of peaceful activities and agriculture and the ancestor of cultivated plants. (According to some, the supreme personification of the M?ori was Io; however this idea is controversial.)
Christianity plays an important role in M?ori religion today. In the early 19th century, many M?ori embraced Christianity and its concepts. Large numbers of converts joined the Church of England and the Roman Catholic Church, both of which are still highly influential in M?ori society.
Classic M?ori viewed disease as a punishment for breaking tribal tapu, but tohunga recognised that some families were prone to a certain disease. The standard practice of tohunga was to isolate the victim in a small shelter. The most common serious disease was tuberculosis (kohi), which was present in the colonising Polynesians. Classic M?ori did not recognise the symptoms as being from one disease. Kohi was considered the work of demons and caused by makutu (witchcraft).Toketoke was the name of the devil that caused tubercular bone disease. Tuberculosis of the neck glands was called hura or hone. This was very common. Tubercular ulcers were called pokapoka. The early European explorer and painter Earle noted in 1827 that these diseases were common even in isolated inland districts such as Taupo. His M?ori advisers said the diseases were very old.
Earle recognised that tohunga used a range of plants to treat minor skin ailments. Much later European doctors advocated investigation of the medicinal properties of plants commonly used in M?ori medicine.
CMS missionaries insisted M?ori abandon cannibalism and child infanticide before they could be baptised. They tried to discourage polygamy. Some early missionaries had sympathy for abandoned wives but Henry Williams was adamant that polygamy disqualified M?ori from baptism. CMS missionaries also outlawed the use of further moko, taking part in lewd dances and practising customary funeral rites. Catholic missionaries who arrived 20 years after the Church of England CMS missionaries were less concerned with stopping these customary practices before Christian conversion. They reasoned that they could influence M?ori more effectively after baptism and were subsequently successful in attracting many converts in the western Hokianga district, away from the dominant CMS influence.
Missionaries did not arrive in the Waikato until about 1834-5. CMS Mission Stations were established at Manakau, Maraetai, Waikato Heads, Kaitotehe opposite Tuapiri, Te Awamutu, Kopua and Kawhia. Missionaries helped explain the Treaty of Waitangi to Tainui in 1840.
In the 1830s Te Atua Wera started the Papahurihia Faith in opposition to the missionaries. It mixed Christian, Judaic and M?ori customary influences. They held services on Saturday and called themselves Hurai or Jews. Te Atua Wera reverted to the more customary role of a tohunga figure by the late 1830s. Te Atua Wera taught that heaven was a place where there was happiness, no cold or hunger with an abundance of flour, sugar, muskets, ships, murder and voluptuousness.
Early European reports suggest that M?ori children were indulged and led a carefree and playful life. A French explorer in 1772 commented that "[the women] seemed to be good mothers and showed affection for their offspring. I have often seen them play with the children, caress them, chew the fern-root, pick at the stringy parts, and then take it out of their mouth to put it into that of their nurslings. The men were also very fond of and kind to their children." French missionary Jean-Simon Bernard wrote, disapprovingly, in 1844: "The children here are completely free; the parents never do anything to them. They never beat them and do not allow anyone else to beat them." The killing of children could be the take (cause) of war. In 1815 the north Taranaki Ng?ti Tama iwi killed two Ng?ti Maniapoto boys during a visit[by whom?] to friends at Motuawa near the Mokau heads. This led to a Ng?ti Maniapoto reprisal raid when warriors pretended to be peaceful visitors and launched a surprise attack on Ng?ti Tama.[citation not found]
The concept of wh?ngai (adopting or fostering children) has been, and still is, important within M?ori wh?nau. It is the practice of raising nieces, nephews, cousins and other wider-family members as if they were members of the immediate family. Wh?ngai are adopted children who are raised with a wh?nau, most often as another member of that wh?nau, like a brother or sister.
Historian Paul Moon writes of reports by missionaries of families forcing some of their young girls into the sex trade with the object of obtaining valuable and scarce English goods in the 1820s. He describes how, when a new ship arrived, the fathers came to take girls as young as 10 out of school. Moon records reports of widespread infanticide in M?ori settlements--particularly the killing of baby girls, of slaves captured in battle or of half-caste children. Other historians such as Vincent O'Malley demonstrate that reports of this type are contradictory and often unreliable. Sam Ritchie points out that Moon fails to contextualize his interpretation of missionary writing and accepts it at face value without adequately considering other sources or the reasons behind such reports. Census figures in the 19th century showed a marked male/female imbalance throughout the North Island amongst M?ori children. The 1857-8 M?ori census recorded 32,329 males and only 23,928 females.
In modern times, child abuse among M?ori has received a great deal of media attention. From 1978 to 1987 the M?ori child-homicide rate was 1.15 times the non-M?ori rate. However, between 1991 and 2000, the M?ori rate rose to more than 3.5 times the non-M?ori rate and from 2001 to 2005 the M?ori child-homicide rate reached around 2.4 times that of non-M?ori. As part of a response to these statistics, national M?ori child-advocacy organisation Te K?hui Mana Ririki formed in 2008. Te Kahui Mana Ririki has commissioned research into traditional M?ori parenting in order to tackle child abuse in the M?ori community.
According to oral information M?ori were familiar with the concept of schooling in tradition times as taught by tohunga. Bishop Selwyn took adult M?ori to Sydney where they experienced limited schooling to learn English. When missionaries back in arrived in the Bay of Islands they realised that if they were going to introduce Christianity and change what they considered to be barbaric practices like cannibalism, slavery, lewd dancing and having multiple wives, they would need to establish schools. Both the missionaries and their wives constructed schools and provided slates and bibles as reading material. The first school was established by T. Kendal in 1816. Recently original slates and written material from that period in the Bay of Islands has been located, photographed and published. Some adults attended school but most pupils were the sons or daughter of chiefs or other persons of status.
By 1853 Mr and Mrs Ashwell had been running a mission school at Taupiri in the Waikato for 50 M?ori girls for 3 years. The girls learnt arithmetic and reading. In the early 1860s Governor Grey had provided money to support a trade school near Te Awamutu in the Waikato. The aim was to produce M?ori workers who were literate but could also work with, and repair, agricultural machinery as used on farms and in the new flour mills. In 1863 Rewi Maniapoto attacked and burnt down the school, stealing the printing press. He aimed to kill leading Europeans in the area but they had been warned by friendly M?ori and left before the attack. Because of the negative influence of Maniapoto and other anti-government factions, the school had previously had poor attendance, with as few as 10 boys attending regularly. All teaching by missionaries was in M?ori and this continued in the native schools until 1900 when at the insistence of the Young M?ori Party M?ori MPs, schools started teaching in English. Influential M?ori MPs Ngata and P?mare insisted that M?ori be taught modern ways and sponsored the Suppression of Tohungaism Act in parliament. P?mare, in particular, worked hard to banish ancient M?ori concepts and practices that caused harm in the M?ori community.[citation not found]
Eating shellfish such as mussels and oysters was very common. During summer sea fish such as kahawai were caught using bone or mangemange hooks, 2-piece lures or large flax nets. In creeks and lakes, eels were caught in large numbers when migrating along known waterways using hinaki, a long cone-shaped net. Birds such as ducks were targeted during the moulting season and young birds such as Petrels and Gannets were taken from nests and cooked in their own fat to preserve them. Such preserved birds were favourite gifts to fulfil social gift obligations. M?ori closely observed the natural world to take advantage of seasonal opportunities. Native pigeons ate miro berries which made them thirsty. M?ori carved wooden bowls equipped with multiple neck snares and placed these in miro trees to catch these large birds.
Evidence from many recent Eastern Golden Bay excavations, especially at Tata Beach, shows that in middens local shellfish and fish bones were most prominent, followed by dog (kur?) bones and rat bones. Less common were bones from small birds and sea mammals. The Tata Beach site and other nearby sites such as Takapou were in use from 1450 up to 1660 AD, well into the Classic period. The coastal sites showed that M?ori had created man-made soils in the sand dunes ranging from small to very large (over 100m2). The natural soil A horizons had been modified by placing dark, humus-rich soil near the surface. This practice was widespread in M?ori communities where k?mara was grown, although in many cases free-draining sand, gravels and pumice were mixed with humus-rich loam. K?mara are slow-growing in the temperate NZ climate and need free-draining subsoils. In the Eastern Golden Bay north-facing slopes were favoured.
The warmer climate of the north and northern and central coastal regions allowed better growth of subtropical plants such as k?mara, yam and gourds. In Auckland, and on Mayor Island, volcanic land was cleared of rocks which were used for low shelter walls. In some areas piles of volcanic rock which kept warm at night, were used to train the vines of gourds.
Many special techniques had been devised to grow and especially to store k?mara so it did not rot. Careful storage and use of tapu was essential to prevent unauthorised use. Seed k?mara in particular were highly tapu. The main problem for k?mara growers were native caterpillars. Early European explorers reported that M?ori often ringed a garden with burning vegetation in an attempt to control caterpillars. M?ori continued to use traditional fern roots -- aruhe -- as a normal part of their diet into the mid-19th century.
The introduction of European foods changed many aspects of M?ori agriculture. Under tradition, M?ori agriculture land was abandoned after a few crops because of reduced production. This was the common pattern apart from a few very fertile alluvial river valleys. Fertiliser was not used although M?ori had devised various techniques to enhance production such as the addition of pumice or similar materials to improve drainage on heavy soils. M?ori allowed gardens to revert to shrubs and plantations were shifted to another area. The introduction of foreign weeds which thrived was a significant issue from the 1820s but offset by the widespread growth of the introduced potato, the traditional varieties of which are still grown and known as taewa or M?ori potatoes.
European farms and the methods they used became a cultural and economic magnet for M?ori in the North, in Auckland and later in the Te Awamutu area of the Waikato. Under the tuition of missionaries, M?ori learnt to mass-produce food, especially potatoes, far in excess of their own needs for trading into the late 1850s. In 1858 European numbers equalled M?ori numbers and increasingly European farmers were able to supply towns such as Auckland. At the same time the strong market demand for supplying food to the gold rush markets in Australia and California ended.
The normal M?ori method of travel was on foot. The North Island had an extensive network of single lane one metre wide tracks that traversed beaches, plains, valleys and mountain passes. Some of these tracks were used by many iwi and were considered neutral territory. Missionaries who travelled with M?ori guides found that at river crossings canoes were left for the use of any traveller.[citation not found] Between 1840 and 1850 numbers of explorers, artists, government officials including Governor Grey travelled inland with the aid of M?ori guides. The guides carried heavy loads and would carry Europeans across creeks. Crossing swamps was common. Although they carried some food they relied on purchasing basic foodstuffs such as potatoes or native pigeons from M?ori settlements. The most popular payment was in tobacco which was in great demand. In more remote areas travellers sometimes found M?ori living by themselves and growing a few potatoes.[page needed]
Canoes (waka) were used extensively. These ranged from small river-going boats, to the large waka taua sea-going war vessels carrying up to 80 paddlers, and up to 40 metres (130 ft) long. Waka were used extensively for long-range travel down the east coast and to cross Cook Strait. In 1822-23 Te Rauparah?, who had established a base by capturing Kapiti Island, reconnoitred the upper South Island in waka before launching a seaborne invasion the following year against Ng?i Tahu and Rangit?ne iwi. Te Rauparah? later hired a European ship to attack Akaroa Harbour. This showed that Te Rauparaha was prepared to use Western technology to further his own goals. Henry Williams, who followed several war parties, reported as many as 50 waka taua travelling together at one time, although he reported they only went out to sea in relatively calm weather. From 1835 large numbers of European ships entered the Bay of Islands every year with Henry Williams reporting an average of 70-80 ships per year. Many M?ori men worked on the ships, with a reported average of eight M?ori seamen per whaling ship. Ten metre long whaleboats began to be used by M?ori. They could be both rowed and sailed. In the 1850s as M?ori with the active encouragement of Grey embraced trade were gradually able to develop a large fleet of small trading schooners and similar craft. All the initial European centres had been supported by Maori.
During the mid 19th century Auckland and Northland M?ori dominated shipping trade. In 1851 51 vessels were registered and 30 smaller vessels licensed. By 1857 there were 37 schooners. The fleet increased steadily during the Tasman trade boom of 1853-56. M?ori paid customs duties to the government and invested heavily in vessels, so suffered considerably when a dramatic market slump hit New Zealand especially effecting the Auckland-Waikato-Hauraki area.[citation not found] During the musket war period and for a time afterwards, Maori, isolated from their tribal support by these devastating conflicts, hid in isolated places, living off patches of vegetables they grew in tiny gardens. This practice was very common in Taranaki which had been devastated by Waikato attacks in particular. European explorers, such as Dieffenbach, often stumbled upon these survivors while exploring. He described these whare as hotbeds for rats and vermin.
With the arrival of Europeans M?ori gradually started to trust the value of British money and use it as a medium of exchange instead of goods. This was rare before 1834 but became increasingly common as more M?ori worked as sailors on European ships, where they gained a good reputation as being strong capable workers.
By 1839 a large proportion of the M?ori trade in goods was paid for in cash, with M?ori showing a strong preference for coins rather than paper banknotes. Northern M?ori learnt that they could more easily hide cash from their relatives avoiding the traditional obligatory sharing of goods with their hap?. The period 1835 to 1840 completed the revolution in the north M?ori economy with M?ori abandoning many of their former trading habits and adopting those of the Europeans to the point where M?ori became dependent on the flow of European goods to maintain their new way of life.
The effect of trading increased the influence of chiefs over their hap?. Northern traders assumed that the chief was the organisational head of the hap? and all trade went through him including payments for goods purchased. This gave chiefs much more influence, especially after 1835, because trade was so regular. In pre-contact times the power of chiefs was never very great, largely being restricted to directing warfare. Early European observers noted that at hap? and whanuau hui (meetings) every person, including women, had their say and the chief had no more influence than any other person on the final decision. Where a chief had great mana, especially powers of persuasion, chiefs had more influence because of their personality rather than any recognised authority.
Not all iwi had regular contact with Europeans. The French explorer Jules Dumont d'Urville visited Tasman Bay in 1827 and using knowledge he had picked up at the Bay of Islands was able to communicate with local M?ori. He found that although they had some passing awareness of Europeans--they seemed to know about firearms--the extent of their understanding was far less than that of the Northern M?ori.
In the Waikato regular contact did not start until five decades after contact in the north of New Zealand. It was not until Ng?ti Toa was forced out of K?whia in 1821 that the bulk of the Tainui people had contact with Europeans. In 1823 a man called Te Puaha visited the Bay of Islands, bringing back with him Captain Kent who arrived on his ship, Elizabeth Henrietta, at K?whia in 1824.
By 1859 trade was the main area in which M?ori interacted with Europeans. Trade was an area that M?ori expected to control. From first contact, they had sold or exchanged fresh foodstuffs initially for high-value goods such as axes and later for money. George Grey was keen to encourage M?ori trade and commerce and established new laws to empower them in 1846. M?ori brought numerous cases under this legislation and won. This was their first and most successful legal experience. M?ori had begun to include European concepts into their own cultural behaviour. In 1886 banknotes were printed (but not issued) by Te Peeke o Aotearoa, a bank established by T?whiao the M?ori King. The text on these notes was M?ori and there was also a picture of a flax bush. The bank's cheques had M?ori figures and native birds and plants drawn on them.
The M?ori relationship with the land is complex. Traditionally the resources the land held were controlled based on systems of mana (power) and whakapapa (ancestral right). The land itself was both sacred and abstract. In many cases multiple groups would express a connection with the same important river or mountain. Oral tradition would record the migrations of groups from one area to another and their connection with an ancestral location.
In the early 19th century many Europeans entered into dealings with M?ori to obtain land for their use. In some cases settlers thought they were buying land to obtain equivalent to freehold title under British law; M?ori claimed that the various deeds signed by M?ori were more limited and conditional, stopping short of outright alienation. It has been argued that the use of the word tuku in deeds, meaning to let or allow or give freely, was not the same as selling. This and other interpretations of early 19th century New Zealand land deals have been the source of much disagreement both within the Waitangi Tribunal process and outside it.
M?ori, especially after 1830, were eager to have Europeans living on their land under their protection so they could benefit from European knowledge and trade. Missionaries on the other hand were keen to buy land so they could grow their own food to make them less dependent on tribal "protectors", who sometimes used food supplies to coerce them. Settlers allowed M?ori to stay on the land they had "bought" and often continued to give presents to tribal chiefs, often prompted by the chiefs themselves, in order to maintain friendly relationships. These compromises stopped with the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi.
Another reason for M?ori to "sell" land to missionaries was to protect the title of the land from other tribal competitors. M?ori who had converted to Christianity wanted to protect their land without resorting to warfare. Some degree of control passed to the missionaries who M?ori trusted to allow them continued access and use.
From 1840 generally, older chiefs were reluctant to sell while younger chiefs were in favour. The situation was complicated as M?ori often had overlapping rights on poorly defined land. The settlers and the government also had very limited access to trained surveyors and even freehold land boundaries were ill-defined. Surveying was a relatively new skill and involved much hard physical work especially in hill country. New farmers were able to purchase a small freehold farm from M?ori on which they established their homestead and farm buildings. They then entered into leases with M?ori owners for much larger areas of land. Short-term leases gave M?ori a powerful position as there was a large demand for grazing land.
The Native Lands Act was a policy enforced by the government in 1865, which allowed the M?ori people to obtain individual titles for their land to sell. This act abolished the traditional shared landholdings and made it easier for European settlers to directly purchase land for themselves.
From the late 1840s some M?ori tribes felt that the crown was not fulfilling its obligations under the Treaty of Waitangi or individual land deals. These claims against the government were to become a major feature of iwi politics. Each generation of leaders were judged based on their ability to progress a land claim.
From the time of their arrival in New Zealand, M?ori lived in tribes that functioned independently under the leadership of their own chiefs. However, by the 1850s M?ori were faced with increasing numbers of British settlers, political marginalisation and growing demand from the Crown to purchase their lands. From about 1853 M?ori began reviving the ancient tribal runanga or chiefly war councils where land issues were raised and in May 1854 a large meeting - attracting as many as 2000 M?ori leaders - was held at Manawapou in south Taranaki where speakers urged concerted opposition to selling land. Inspired by a trip to England during which he had met Queen Victoria, Te Rauparaha's son, Tamihana Te Rauparaha, used the runanga to promote the idea of forming a M?ori kingdom, with one king ruling over all tribes. The kotahitanga or unity movement was aimed at bringing to M?ori the unity that was an obvious strength among the Europeans. It was believed that by having a monarch who could claim status similar to that of Queen Victoria, M?ori would be able to deal with P?keh? (Europeans) on equal footing. It was also intended to establish a system of law and order in M?ori communities to which the Auckland government had so far shown little interest.
Several North Island candidates who were asked to put themselves forward declined, but in February 1857 Wiremu Tamihana, a chief of the Ng?ti Hau? iwi in eastern Waikato, proposed the elderly and high-ranking Waikato chief Te Wherowhero as an ideal monarch and despite his initial reluctance he was crowned at Ng?ruaw?hia in June 1858, later adopting the name P?tatau Te Wherowhero or simply P?tatau. Though there was widespread respect for the movement's efforts in establishing a "land league" to slow land sales, P?tatau's role was strongly embraced only by Waikato M?ori, with iwi of North Auckland and south of Waikato showing him scant recognition. Over time the King Movement came to have a flag, a council of state, a code of laws, a "King's Resident Magistrate", police, a bank, a surveyor and a newspaper, Te Hokioi, all of which gave the movement the appearance of an alternative government.
P?tatau was succeeded at his death in 1860 by Matutaera T?whiao, whose 34-year reign coincided with the military invasion of the Waikato, which was partly aimed at crushing the Kingitanga movement, with the government viewing it as a challenge to the supremacy of the British monarchy. Five M?ori monarchs have subsequently held the throne, including Dame Te Atairangikaahu, who reigned for 40 years until her death in 2006. Her son T?heitia is the current king. The historic traditions such as the poukai (annual visits by the monarch to marae) and the koroneihana (coronation celebrations) continue.
Today, the M?ori monarch is a non-constitutional role with no legal power from the perspective of the New Zealand government. Reigning monarchs retain the position of paramount chief of several important tribes and wield some power over these, especially within Tainui.
From the Classic period warfare was an important part of M?ori culture. This continued through the contact period and was expressed during the 20th century by large groups of volunteers in the First and Second world wars. Currently M?ori men are over-represented in the New Zealand Army, Navy and private military organisations. New Zealand's army is identified as its own tribe, Ng?ti T?matauenga (Tribe of the War God).
Wilmshurst et al. (2008) [...] concluded that initial Polynesian settlement of New Zealand was c. 1280 AD [...].
Much of the activity to produce k?mara became ritualised - it was even associated with Rongom?t?ne (Rongo), a high-ranking atua (god).