Catalan Phonology
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Catalan Phonology

The phonology of Catalan, a Romance language, has a certain degree of dialectal variation. Although there are two standard dialects, one based on Eastern Catalan and one based on Valencian, this article deals with features of all or most dialects, as well as regional pronunciation differences. Various studies have focused on different Catalan varieties; for example, Wheeler (1979) and Mascaró (1976) analyze Central Eastern varieties, the former focusing on the educated speech of Barcelona and the latter focusing more on the vernacular of Barcelona, and Recasens (1986) does a careful phonetic study of Central Eastern Catalan.[1][2]

Catalan is characterized by final-obstruent devoicing, lenition, and voicing assimilation; a set of 7 or 8 phonemic vowels, vowel assimilations (including vowel harmony), many phonetic diphthongs, and vowel reduction, whose precise details differ between dialects. Several dialects have a dark l, and all dialects have palatal l and n .

Consonants

Phonetic notes:

Obstruents

Voiced obstruents undergo final-obstruent devoicing so that fred ('cold', m. s.) is pronounced with [t], while fredes ('cold', f. pl.) is pronounced with [ð].[18]

Stops

Voiced stops become lenited to approximants in syllable onsets, after continuants:[10]/b/ -> , /d/ -> , /?/ -> . Exceptions include /d/ after lateral consonants and /b/ after /f/, e.g. ull de bou ['u? d? 'w] ('oeil-de-boeuf'), bolígraf boníssim [bu'?iv bu'nisim] ('excellent ballpoint'). Additionally, /b/ remains unlenited in non-betacist dialects. In the coda position, these sounds are always realized as stops[19] except in many Valencian dialects, where they are lenited.[20]

In some Valencian dialects final /p, t, k/ can be lenited before a vowel: tot açò ['t?oð a's?] ('all this').[21]

In some dialects (e.g. many Valencian accents) initial /?/ can be lenited: gata ['?at?a].[22]

In many Catalan dialects (except Valencian), /b/ and /?/ may be geminated in certain environments (e.g. poble ['p?b:] 'village', regla ['re?:] 'rule').[23][24]

In Majorcan varieties, /k/ and /?/ become and word-finally and before front vowels,[20] in some of these dialects, this has extended to all environments except before liquids and back vowels; e.g. sang ['sa?c] ('blood').[10]

Affricates

The phonemic status of affricates is dubious; after other consonants, affricates are in free variation with fricatives, e.g. clenxa ['kt] ~ ['k] ('hair parting')[25] and may be analyzed as either single phonemes or clusters of a stop and a fricative.

  • Alveolar affricates, and , occur the least of all affricates.[26]
    • [dz] only occurs intervocalically: metzines [m?'dzin?s] ('toxic substances').[27]
    • Instances of [ts] arise mostly from compounding; the few lexical instances arise from historical compounding.[25] For instance, potser [pu'tse] ('maybe') comes from pot ('may') + ser ('be' inf). As such, [ts] does not occur word-initially; other than some rare words of foreign origin (e.g. tsar 'tsar',[28]tsuga 'tsuga'[29]), but it may occur word-finally and quite often in cases of heteromorphemic (i.e. across a morpheme boundary) plural endings: tots ['tots] ('everybody').[26]
  • The distribution of alveolo-palatal affricates, and , depends on dialect:
    • In Standard Eastern Catalan, word-initial [t?] is found only in a few words of foreign origin (e.g. txec 'Czech',[30]Txaikovski 'Tchaikovsky') while being found freely intervocalically (e.g. fletxa 'arrow') and word-finally: despatx [d?s'pat?] ('office').
    • Standard Eastern Catalan also only allows [d?] in intervocalic position (e.g. metge 'medic', adjunt 'enclosed'). Phonemic analyses show word-final occurrences of /d?/ (e.g. raig esbiaixat ['rad? ?z?i?'?at] 'skew ray'), but final devoicing eliminates this from the surface: raig ['rat?] ('ray').
    • In various other dialects (as well as in emphatic speech),[31][t?] occurs word-initially and after another consonant to the exclusion of [?]. These instances of word-initial [t?] seem to correspond to [?] in other dialects, including the standard (on which the orthography is based): xinxa ('bedbug'), pronounced ['?i] in the standard, is ['t?i?t] in these varieties.[27]
    • Similarly, in most of Valencian and southern Catalonia,[26][32] most occurrences of [d?] correspond to the voiced fricative [?] in Standard Eastern Catalan: gel ['d] ('ice').

There is dialectal variation in regards to affricate length, with long affricates occurring in both Eastern and Western dialects such as in Majorca and few areas in Southern Valencia.[33] Also, intervocalic affricates are predominantly long, especially those that are voiced or occurring immediately after a stressed syllable (e.g. metge ['med.d] 'medic').[34] In modern Valencian [d?] and [dd?] have merged into /d?/.

Fricatives

/v/ occurs in Balearic,[31] as well as in Alguerese, standard Valencian and some areas in southern Catalonia.[35] Everywhere else, it has merged with historic /?/ so that [b] and [?] occur in complementary distribution.[36] In Majorcan, [v] and [w] are in complementary distribution, with occurring before vowels (e.g. blava ['b?av?] 'blue' f. vs. blau ['b?aw] 'blue' m.). In other varieties that have both sounds, they are in contrast before vowels, with neutralization in favor of before consonants.[37]

In some Valencian dialects, /s/ and /?/ are auditorily similar such that neutralization may occur in the future.[38] That is the case of Northern Valencian where /?/ is depalatalized[clarification needed] to [js] or [js?] as in caixa ('box'). Central Valencian words like mig ('half') and lleig ('ugly') have been transcribed with [ts] rather than the expected [t?], and Southern Valencian /t?/ "has been reported to undergo depalatalization without merging with [ts]".[39] as in passets ('small steps') versus passeig ('promenade')

In Aragon and Central Valencian (the so called apitxat), voiced fricatives and affricates are missing (i.e. /z/ has merged with /s/, /d?/ has merged with /t?/, with only voiceless realizations occurring) and /v/ has merged with the [b ~ ?] set.[40]

Sonorants

While "dark (velarized) l", , may be a positional allophone of /l/ in most dialects (such as in the syllable coda; e.g. l ['s] 'ground'),[41]/l/ is dark irrespective of position in Eastern dialects like Majorcan[42] and standard Eastern Catalan (e.g. tela ['t]).

The distribution of the two rhotics /r/ and /?/ closely parallels that of Spanish. Between vowels, the two contrast (e.g. mirra ['mir?] 'myrrh' vs. mira ['mi] 'look'), but they are otherwise in complementary distribution. appears in the onset, except in word-initial position (ruc), after /l/, /n/, and /s/ (honra, Israel), and in compounds, where is used. Different dialects vary in regards to rhotics in the coda, with Western Catalan generally featuring and Central Catalan dialects like those of Barcelona or Girona featuring a weakly trilled unless it precedes a vowel-initial word in the same prosodic unit, in which case appears (per [pe?] in Western Catalan, [per] in Central Catalan).[43] There is free variation in "r" word-initially, after /l/, /n/, and /s/, and in compounds (if /r/ is preceded by consonant), wherein /r/ is pronounced [r] or , the latter being similar to English red: [r ~ ?]uc, hon[r ~ ?]a, Is[r ~ ?]ael.

In careful speech, /n/, /m/, and /l/ may be geminated (e.g. innecessari [in:?s?'sa?i] 'unnecessary'; emmagatzemar [?m:dz?'ma] 'to store'; il·lusió [i?:uzi'o] 'illusion'). A geminated // may also occur (e.g. ratlla ['ra?:?] 'line').[31]Wheeler (1979) analyzes intervocalic [r] as the result of gemination of a single rhotic phoneme: serra /'s?/ -> ['s?r?] 'saw, mountains' (this is similar to the common analysis of Spanish and Portuguese rhotics).[44]

Vowels

Vowels of Catalan
Front Central Back
Close i (y) u
Close-mid e (?) o
Open-mid ? ?
Open a

Phonetic notes:

  • The vowel /a/ is further back and open than the Castilian counterpart in North-Western and Central Catalan, slightly fronted and closed in Valencian and Ribagorçan [ä ~ ?], and further fronted and closed [a ~ æ] in Majorcan.[45]
  • The mid-open vowels /?/ and /?/ are lower in Majorcan, Minorcan and Valencian, that is, in these dialects the phonetic realization of /?/ approaches , while /?/ is as low as .[8][46][47]
  • In Alguerese, Northern Catalan and some places bordering the Spanish-speaking areas, mid-open and close-mid vowels may merge into mid vowels; and .[48]
  • The high vowels /i, u/ are more open than in Castilian. Unstressed /i, u/ are centralized.[49]
    • In Valencian and most Balearic dialects /i, u/ are further open and centralized[49]
  • Northern Catalan sometimes adds two loan rounded vowels, and , from French and Occitan (e.g. but ['byt] 'aim', fulles ['fø?j?s] 'leaves').[50]
  • In the Barcelona metropolitan area unstressed schwa is lowered to a near-open central vowel , sounding closer to but in RP or Californian English.[8][51]
  • Phonetic nasalization occurs for vowels occurring between nasal consonants or when preceding a syllable-final nasal; e.g. diumenge [diw'm?] ('Sunday').[52]

Stressed vowels

Vowels of Standard Eastern Catalan, from Carbonell & Llisterri (1999:62)
Vowels of Valencian, from Saborit Vilar (2009:23)

Most varieties of Catalan contrast seven stressed vowel phonemes.[53] However, some Balearic dialects have an additional stressed vowel phoneme ; e.g. sec /'s?k/ ('dry').[20] The stressed schwa of these dialects corresponds to /?/ in Central Catalan and /e/ in Western Catalan varieties (that is, Central and Western Catalan dialects differ in their incidence of /e/ and /?/, with /e/ appearing more frequently in Western Catalan; e.g. Central Catalan sec /'s?k/ vs. Western Catalan sec /'sek/ 'dry, I sit').[53]

Contrasting series of the main Catalan dialects:

Central Catalan[20]
Vowel IPA word gloss
i /'sik/ sic 'sic'
e /'sek/ séc 'fold'
? /'s?k/ sec 'dry'
'I sit'
a /'sak/ sac 'bag'
o /'sok/ sóc 'I am'
? /'s?k/ soc 'clog'
u /'suk/ suc 'juice'
Western Catalan[20]
Vowel IPA word gloss
i /'sik/ sic 'sic'
e /'sek/ séc
sec
'fold'
'dry, I sit'
? /'s?t/ set 'seven'
a /'sak/ sac 'bag'
o /'sok/ sóc 'I am'
? /'s?k/ soc 'clog'
u /'suk/ suc 'juice'
Balearic Catalan[20]
Vowel IPA word gloss
i /'sik/ sic 'sic'
e /'sek/ séc 'fold'
? /'s?k/ sec 'I sit'
? /'s?k/ sec 'dry'
a /'sak/ sac 'bag'
o /'sok/ sóc 'I am'
? /'s?k/ soc 'clog'
u /'suk/ suc 'juice'

Unstressed vowels

In Eastern Catalan, vowels in unstressed position reduce to three : /a/, /e/, /?/ -> [?]; /o/, /?/, /u/ -> [u]; /i/ remains unchanged. However there are some dialectal differences: Alguerese merges /a/, /e/, and /?/ with [a]; and in most areas of Majorca, [o] can appear in unstressed position (that is, /o/ and /?/ are usually reduced to [o]).[54]

In Western Catalan, vowels in unstressed position reduce to five: /e/, /?/ -> [e]; /o/, /?/ -> [o]; /a/, /u/, /i/ remain unchanged.[55] However, in some Western dialects reduced vowels tend to merge into different realizations in some cases:

  • Unstressed /e/ may merge with [a] before a nasal or sibilant consonant (e.g. enclusa [a?'kluza] 'anvil', eixam [aj'?am] 'swarm'), in some environments before any consonant (e.g. terròs [ta'r?s] 'earthy'), and in monosyllabic clitics.[56] Likewise, unstressed /e/ may merge into [i] when in contact with palatal consonants (e.g. senyor [si'?o(?)] 'lord').[57]
  • Unstressed /o/ may merge with [u] before a bilabial consonant (e.g. cobert [ku't] 'covered'), before a stressed syllable with a high vowel (e.g. conill [ku'ni?] 'rabbit'), in contact with palatal consonants (e.g. Josep [(d)?u'z?p] 'Joseph'), and in monosyllabic clitics.[58]
Eastern Catalan[20]
Vowel Example IPA Gloss
si [si] 'if'
se [s?] 'itself'
sa 'her'
-nos [nus] 'us'
uns [uns] 'some'
Western Catalan[20]
Vowel Example IPA gloss
si [si] 'if'
se [se] 'itself'
sa [sa] 'her'
-nos [nos] 'us'
uns [uns] 'some'

Diphthongs and triphthongs

There are also a number of phonetic diphthongs and triphthongs, all of which begin and/or end in or .[59]

Falling diphthongs
IPA word gloss IPA word gloss
[aj] aigua 'water' [aw] taula 'table'
[?j] mainada 'children' [?w] caurem 'we will fall'
[?j] remei 'remedy' [?w] peu 'foot'
[ej] rei 'king' [ew] seu 'his/her'
[iw] niu 'nest'
[?j] noi 'boy' [?w] nou 'new'
[ow] jou 'yoke'
[uj] avui 'today' [uw] duu 's/he is carrying'
Rising diphthongs
IPA word gloss IPA word gloss
[ja] iaia 'grandma' [wa] guant 'glove'
[j?] veiem 'we see' [w?] seqüència 'sequence'
[je] seient 'seat' [we] ungüent 'ointment'
[j?] feia 's/he was doing' [w?] qüestió 'question'
[wi] pingüí 'penguin'
[j?] iode 'iodine' [w?] quota 'payment'
[ju] iogurt 'yoghurt'
 
Triphthongs
IPA word gloss IPA word gloss
[j?w] ieu 'you carried'
[j?w] creieu 'you believe' [w?w] liqüeu 'you blend'
[waj] guaita 'he watches'
[w?j] guaitar 'to watch'

In standard Eastern Catalan, rising diphthongs (that is, those starting with [j] or [w]) are only possible in the following contexts:[60]

  • [j] in word-initial position, e.g. iogurt.
  • Both occur between vowels as in feia and veiem.[clarification needed]
  • In the sequences [?w] or [kw] and vowel, e.g. guant, quota, qüestió, pingüí (these exceptional cases even lead some scholars[61] to hypothesize the existence of rare labiovelar phonemes // and /k?/).[62]

Processes

There are certain instances of compensatory diphthongization in Majorcan so that troncs /'t?oncs/ ('logs') (in addition to deleting the palatal stop) develops a compensating palatal glide and surfaces as ['t?ojns] (and contrasts with the unpluralized ['t?o?c]). Diphthongization compensates for the loss of the palatal stop (segment loss compensation). There are other cases where diphthongization compensates for the loss of point of articulation features (property loss compensation) as in ['a?] ('year') vs. ['ajns] ('years').[63]

The dialectal distribution of compensatory diphthongization is almost entirely dependent on the dorsal stop (/k~c/) and the extent of consonant assimilation (whether or not it is extended to palatals).[64]

Voiced affricates are devoiced after stressed vowels in dialects like Eastern Catalan where there may be a correlation between devoicing and lengthening (gemination) of voiced affricates: metge /'medd/ -> ['mett] ('medic').[17] In Barcelona, voiced stops may be fortified (geminated and devoiced); e.g. poble ['p?p:] 'village').[31]

Assimilations

Nasal Lateral
word IPA gloss word IPA gloss
ínfim ['i?fim] 'lowest'
anterior [?n?ti'o] 'previous' altes ['at?s] 'tall' (f. pl.)
engegar [?'?a] 'to start (up)' àlgid ['ait] 'decisive'
sang [sa?(k)] 'blood'
sagna ['sa?n?]~['sa?n?] 'he bleeds'
cotna ['kon:?] 'rind' atles ['a?:?s]~['ads] 'atlas'
sotmetent [sum:?'ten] 'submitting' motlle ['m:?] 'spring, mold'

Catalan denti-alveolar stops can fully assimilate to the following consonant, producing gemination; this is particularly evident before nasal and lateral consonants: e.g. cotna ('rind'), motlle/motle ('spring'), and setmana ('week'). Learned words can alternate between featuring and not featuring such assimilation (e.g. atles ['ads]~['a?:?s] 'atlas', administrar [?dminis't?a]~[?m:inis't?a] 'to administer').[65][66]

Central Valencian features simple elision in many of these cases (e.g cotna ['kona], setmana [se'mana]) though learned words don't exhibit either assimilation or elision: atles ['adles] and administrar [adminis't?a?].[67]

Prosody

Stress

Stress most often occurs on any of the last three syllables of a word (e.g. brúixola ['b?u?u] 'compass', càstig ['kastik] 'punishment', pallús [p?'?us] 'fool').

Compound words and adverbs formed with /'ment/ may have a syllable with secondary stress (e.g. bonament [?b?n?'men] 'willingly'; parallamps [?pa'?ams] 'lightning conductor') but every lexical word has just one syllable with main stress.[68]

Phonotactics

Any consonant, as well as [j] and [w] may be an onset. Clusters may consist of a consonant plus a semivowel (C[j], C[w]) or an obstruent plus a liquid. Some speakers may have one of these obstruent-plus-liquid clusters preceding a semivowel, e.g. síndria ['sin.d?j?] ('watermelon'); for other speakers, this is pronounced ['sin.d?i.?] (i.e. the semivowel must be syllabic in this context).[69]

Word-medial codas are restricted to one consonant + [s] (extra ['?ks.t]).[70] In the coda position, voice contrasts among obstruents are neutralized.[71] Although there are exceptions (such as futur [fu'tur] 'future'), syllable-final rhotics are often lost before a word boundary or before the plural morpheme of most words: color [ku'?o] ('color') vs. coloraina [ku?u'?ajn?] ('bright color').[31]

In Central Eastern Catalan, obstruents fail to surface word-finally when preceded by a homorganic consonant (e.g. /nt/ -> [n]). Complex codas simplify only if the loss of the segment doesn't result in the loss of place specification.[72]

Suffixation examples
Final gloss Internal gloss
no cluster camp ['kam] 'field' camperol [k?mp?'] 'peasant'
punt ['pun] 'point' punta ['punt?] 'tip'
banc ['ba?] 'bank' banca ['ba?k?] 'banking'
malalt [m?'?a?] 'ill' malaltia [m?'ti.?] 'illness'
hort ['?r] 'orchard' hortalissa [urt?'?is?] 'vegetable'
gust ['?us] 'taste' gustar [?us'ta] 'to taste'
cluster serp ['serp] 'snake' serpentí [s?rp?n'ti] 'snake-like'
disc ['disk] 'disk' disquet [dis'k?t] 'diskette'
remolc [r?'mk] 'trailer' remolcar [r?mu?'ka] 'to tow'

When the suffix -erol [?'] is added to camp ['kam] it makes [k?mp?'], indicating that the underlying representation is /'kamp/ (with subsequent cluster simplification), however when the copula ['es] is added it makes ['kam 'es]. The resulting generalization is that this underlying /p/ will only surface in a morphologically complex word.[73] Despite this, word-final codas are not usually simplified in most of Balearic and Valencian (e.g. camp ['kamp]).[74]

Word-initial clusters from Graeco-Latin learned words tend to drop the first phoneme: pneumàtic [n?w'matik] ('pneumatic'), pseudònim [s?w'ð?nim] ('pseudonym'), pterodàctil [tu'ðakti?] ('pterodactylus'), gnom ['nom] ('gnome').[75]

Word-final obstruents are devoiced; however, they assimilate voicing of the following consonant, e.g. cuc de seda ['ku? d? 's?ð?] ('silkworm'). In regular and fast speech, stops often assimilate the place of articulation of the following consonant producing phonetic gemination: tot ['tod 'be] -> ['tob 'be] ('all good').[76]

Word-final fricatives (except /f/) are voiced before a following vowel; e.g. bus enorme ['buz ?'norm?] ('huge bus').[77]

In Majorcan and Minorcan Catalan, /f/ undergoes total assimilation to a following consonant (just as stops do): buf gros ['bu? 's] ('large puff').[78]

Dialectal variation

Dialectal Map of Catalan from Wheeler, Yates & Dols (1999:xviii)
Eastern dialects: Western dialects:

The differences in the vocalic systems outlined above are the main criteria used to differentiate between the major dialects: Wheeler (2005) distinguishes two major dialect groups, western and eastern dialects; the latter of which only allow , , and to appear in unstressed syllables and include Northern Catalan, Central Catalan, Balearic, and Alguerese. Western dialects, which allow any vowel in unstressed syllables, include Valencian and North-Western Catalan.

Regarding consonants, betacism and fricative-affricate alternations are the most prominent differences between dialects.

Other dialectal features are:

  • Vowel harmony with /?/ and /?/ in Valencian; this process is progressive (i.e. preceding vowels affect those pronounced afterwards) over the last unstressed vowel of a word; e.g. hora /'a/ -> [']. However, there are cases where regressive metaphony occurs over pretonic vowels; e.g. tovallola /tova'la/ -> [t?v?'l?] ('towel'), afecta /a'f?kta/ -> [?'f?kt?] ('affects').[79]
  • In a number of dialects unstressed /i/ can merge with /?/ (Eastern dialects) or /e, a/ (Western dialects) according to the previous or following vowel (i.e. through assimilation when these vowels are high or dissimilation when they are mid or low). This merger is especially common in words with the prefix in or im.[80]
  • In Southern Valencian subvarieties, especially in Alicante Valencian, the diphthong /?u/ (phonetically [?w] in Valencian) has become [?w]: bous ['b?ws] ('bulls').[81]
  • In regular speech in both Eastern and Western Catalan dialects, word-initial unstressed /o/ -[u] or [o]- may be diphthongized to [?w] (Eastern Catalan) or [aw] (Western Catalan): ofegar [?wf?'?a]~[awfe'?a(?)] ('to drown, suffocate').[82]
  • In Aragonese Catalan (including Ribagorçan), /l/ is palatalized to in consonant clusters; e.g. plou ['pw] 'it rains'.[83]
  • In Alguerese and Ribagorçan word-final /?/ and /?/ are depalatized to and , respectively; e.g. gall ['?al] ('rooster'), any ['an] ('year').[84][85]
  • Varying degrees of L-velarization among dialects: /l/ is dark irrespective of position in Balearic and Central Catalan and might tend to vocalization in some cases. In Western varieties like Valencian, this dark l contrasts with a clear l in intervocalic and word-initial position; while in other dialects, like Alguerese or Northern Catalan, /l/ is never velarized in any instance.[41][86]
  • Iodització (also known as iesme històric "historic yeísmo") in regular speech in most of Majorcan, Northern Catalan and in the historic comarca of Vallès (Barcelona): /?/ merges with [j] in some Latin-derived words with intervocalic L-palatalization (intervocalic /l/ + yod (-LI-, -LE-), -LL-, -CVL-, and -GVL-); e.g. palla ['paj?] ('straw'). An exception to this rule is initial L-palatalization; e.g. lluna ['?un?] ('moon').[87]
  • The dorso-palatal may occur in complementary distribution with , only in Majorcan varieties that have dorso-palatals rather than the velars found in most dialects: guerra ['r?] ('war') vs. sa guerra [s? 'r?] ('the war').[88]
  • In northern and transitional Valencian, word-initial and postconsonantal /d?/ (Eastern Catalan /?/ and /d? ~ ?/) alternates with [(j)?] intervocalically; e.g. joc ['dk] 'game', but pitjor [pi'?o] 'worse', boja ['b?j?a] 'crazy' (standard Valencian /'dk/, /pi'd?o?/; /'b?d?a/; standard Catalan /'k/, /pi'd?o/ and /'b/).[89]
  • In northern Valencia and southern Catalonia /s/ has merged with realizations of /?/ after a high front vocoid; e.g. terrissa [te'ri?a] ('pottery'), insistisc [insi?'ti?k] ('I insist') vs. pixar [pi'?a(?)] ('to pee'), deixar [dej'?a(?)] ('to leave'). In these varieties /?/ is not found after other vocoids, and merges with /t?/ after consonants; e.g. punxa ['pu?t?a] ('thorn').[90]
  • Intervocalic /d/ dropping (particularly participles) in regular speech in Valencian, with compensatory lengthening of vowel /a/; e.g. vesprada [ves'p?a:] ('evening').[91]
  • In northern Catalonia and in the town of Sóller (Majorca), a uvular trill or approximant can be heard instead of an alveolar trill; e.g. rrer ['ko]~['ko] ('to run').[92]

Historical development

Catalan shares features with neighboring Romance languages (Occitan, Italian, Sardinian, French, Spanish).[93]

  • Marked contrast of the vowel pairs /?/ ~ /e/ and /?/ ~ /o/, as in other Western Romance languages, except Spanish and Sardinian.[94]
  • Lenition of voiced stops [b]->[?], [d]->[ð], [?]->[?] as in Galician and Spanish.[94]
  • Lack of diphthongization of Latin short ?, ?, as in Galician and Portuguese, and unlike French, Spanish and Italian.[94]
  • Abundance of diphthongs containing /w/, as in Galician and Portuguese.[94]
  • Abundance of /?/ and /?/ occurring at the end of words, as for instance moll ("wet") and any ("year"), unlike Spanish,[95] Portuguese or Italian.

In contrast with other Romance languages, Catalan has many monosyllabic words; and those ending in a wide variety of consonants and some consonant clusters.[94] Also, Catalan has final obstruent devoicing, thus featuring many couplets like amic ('male friend') vs. amiga ('female friend').[94]

See also

References

  1. ^ Hualde (1992:367)
  2. ^ For more information on dialectal variety, see Veny (1989).
  3. ^ Carbonell & Llisterri (1999:62)
  4. ^ Recasens (1996:172)
  5. ^ a b c d Recasens & Pallarès (1995:288)
  6. ^ a b c d e Wheeler (2005:10-11)
  7. ^ "Voiceless dental plosive - Central | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiceless dental plosive - Nord Occidental | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiceless dental plosive - Valencià | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced dental plosive - Central | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced dental plosive - Nord Occidental | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced dental plosive - Valencià | Els Sons del Català".
  8. ^ a b c d e f g h Rafel (1999:14)
  9. ^ "Voiceless velar plosive - Central | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiceless velar plosive - Nord Occidental | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiceless velar plosive - Valencià | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Velar Plosive - Central | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Velar Plosive - Nord Occidental | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Velar Plosive - Valencià | Els Sons del Català".
  10. ^ a b c d Wheeler (2005:10)
  11. ^ "Voiced Alveolar Nasal - Central | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Nasal - Nord Occidental | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Nasal - Valencià | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Lateral - Central | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Lateral - Nord Occidental | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Flap - Central | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Flap - Nord Occidental | Els Sons del Català".
    "VOICED ALVEOLAR FLAP - Valencià | Els Sons del Català".
  12. ^ "Voiceless Alveolar Fricative - Central | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiceless Alveolar Fricative - Nord Occidental | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiceless Alveolar Fricative - Valencià | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Fricative - Central | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Fricative - Nord Occidental | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Fricative - Valencià | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Trill - Central | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Trill - Nord Occidental | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Trill - Valencià | Els Sons del Català".
  13. ^ a b c "Voiceless Alveolar Affricate - Central | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiceless Alveolar Affricate - Nord-Occidental | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiceless Alveolar Affricate - Valencià | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Affricate - Central | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Affricate - Nord-Occidental | Els Sons del Català".
    "Voiced Alveolar Affricate - Valencià | Els Sons del Català".
  14. ^ Wheeler (2005:11)
  15. ^ Recasens (1993). Here Recasens labels these Catalan sounds as "laminoalveolars palatalitzades"
  16. ^ Recasens & Pallarès (2001). Here the authors label these Catalan sounds as "laminal postalveolar"
  17. ^ a b Recasens & Espinosa (2007:145)
  18. ^ Lloret (2003:278)
  19. ^ Hualde (1992:368)
  20. ^ a b c d e f g h Recasens & Espinosa (2005:1)
  21. ^ Saborit (2009:53)
  22. ^ Saborit (2009:57)
  23. ^ Carbonell & Llisterri (1992:53-55)
  24. ^ Recasens (1996:190-191)
  25. ^ a b Wheeler (2005:11-12)
  26. ^ a b c Recasens & Espinosa (2007:144)
  27. ^ a b Hualde (1992:370)
  28. ^ Entry for 'tsar' Archived 2011-08-14 at the Wayback Machine in Diccionari de llengua catalana, Second Edition.
  29. ^ Entry for 'tsuga' Archived 2011-08-14 at the Wayback Machine in Diccionari de llengua catalana, Second Edition.
  30. ^ Entry for 'txec' Archived 2011-08-14 at the Wayback Machine in Diccionari de llengua catalana, Second Edition.
  31. ^ a b c d e Carbonell & Llisterri (1992:53)
  32. ^ Wheeler (2005:13-14)
  33. ^ Recasens & Espinosa (2007:148-149)
  34. ^ Wheeler (2005:12)
  35. ^ Veny (2007:51)
  36. ^ Wheeler (2005:13)
  37. ^ Wheeler (2002:81)
  38. ^ Rafel (1981), cited in Recasens & Espinosa (2007:147)
  39. ^ Recasens & Espinosa (2007:147)
  40. ^ Wheeler (2005:23)
  41. ^ a b Recasens & Espinosa (2005:20)
  42. ^ Recasens & Espinosa (2005:3)
  43. ^ Padgett (2003:2)
  44. ^ See Bonet & Mascaró (1997) for more information
  45. ^ Recasens (1996:90-92)
  46. ^ Recasens (1996:81)
  47. ^ Recasens (1996:130-131)
  48. ^ Recasens (1996:59)
  49. ^ a b Recasens (1991:66)
  50. ^ Recasens (1996:69, 80-81)
  51. ^ Harrison (1997:2)
  52. ^ Recasens (1996:70)
  53. ^ a b Wheeler (2005:38)
  54. ^ Wheeler (2005:54)
  55. ^ Carbonell & Llisterri (1992:54-55)
  56. ^ Recasens (1996:75-76)
  57. ^ Recasens (1996:128-129)
  58. ^ Recasens (1996:138)
  59. ^ Carbonell & Llisterri (1992:54)
  60. ^ Institut d'Estudis Catalans Archived 2010-09-30 at the Wayback Machine Els diftongs, els triftongs i els hiats - Gramàtica de la Llengua Catalana (provisional draft)
  61. ^ e.g. Lleó (1970), Wheeler (1979)
  62. ^ Wheeler (2005:101)
  63. ^ Mascaró (2002:580-581)
  64. ^ Mascaró (2002:581)
  65. ^ Fabra (2008:24)
  66. ^ Lacreu (2002:53)
  67. ^ Wheeler (2005:36)
  68. ^ Carbonell & Llisterri (1999:63)
  69. ^ Wheeler (2005:78)
  70. ^ Wheeler (2005:166)
  71. ^ Wheeler (2005:145)
  72. ^ Herrick (2002:70)
  73. ^ Herrick (2002:72)
  74. ^ Recasens (1996:192)
  75. ^ Recasens (1996:175)
  76. ^ Badia (1988:35)
  77. ^ Recasens, Daniel (1991), "An Electropalatographic and Acoustic Study of Consonant-to-Vowel Coarticulation", Journal of Phonetics, 19: 267-280.
  78. ^ Wheeler (2005:81)
  79. ^ Recasens (1996:99)
  80. ^ Recasens (1991:68)
  81. ^ Recasens (1996:131-132)
  82. ^ Recasens (1996:138-139)
  83. ^ Recasens (1996:311-312)
  84. ^ Recasens (1994:266)
  85. ^ Recasens (1994:321)
  86. ^ Recasens (1996:307)
  87. ^ Wheeler (2005:34-35)
  88. ^ Wheeler (2005:22-23)
  89. ^ Wheeler (2005:15)
  90. ^ Wheeler (2005:22)
  91. ^ Recasens (1996:91-92)
  92. ^ Wheeler (2005:24)
  93. ^ Wheeler (2005:1)
  94. ^ a b c d e f Enciclopèdia Catalana, p. 630.
  95. ^ Hall, Jacqueline (2001). "Convivència in Catalonia: Languages Living Together". Barcelona: Institut d'Estudis Catalans. p. 19.

Bibliography

  • Badia i Margarit, Antoni Maria (1988), Sons i fonemes de la llengua catalana, Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona, ISBN 84-7528-500-7
  • Bonet, Eulàlia; Mascaró, Joan (1997), "On the Representation of Contrasting Rhotics", in Martínez-Gil, Fernando; Morales-Front, Alfonso (eds.), Issues in the Phonology and Morphology of the Major Iberian Languages, Georgetown University Press, pp. 103-126, ISBN 978-0-87840-647-0
  • Carbonell, Joan F.; Llisterri, Joaquim (1992), "Catalan", Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 22 (1-2): 53-56, doi:10.1017/S0025100300004618
  • Carbonell, Joan F.; Llisterri, Joaquim (1999), "Catalan", Handbook of the International Phonetic Association: A Guide to the Usage of the International Phonetic Alphabet, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 61-65, ISBN 978-0-521-63751-0
  • Fabra, Pompeu (2008), Gramàtica catalana (7th ed.), Barcelona: Institut d'Estudis Catalans, ISBN 978-84-7283-290-9
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  • Grandgent, Charles Hall (1907), "Phonology", An Introduction to Vulgar Latin, D.C. Heath & Co., pp. 60-143, ISBN 978-1-4021-6201-5
  • Herrick, Dylan (2002), "Catalan Phonology: Cluster Simplification and Nasal Place Assimilation", in Wiltshire, Caroline; Camps, Joaquim (eds.), Romance Phonology and Variation, Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, pp. 69-84, ISBN 978-1-58811-079-4
  • Harrison, Phil (1997), The Relative Complexity of Catalan Vowels and Their Perceptual Correlates (PDF), UCL Working Papers in Linguistics 9
  • Hualde, José (1992), Catalan, Routledge, ISBN 978-0-415-05498-0
  • Lacreu, Josep (2002), Manual d'ús de l'estàndard oral (6th ed.), Valencia: Universitat de València, ISBN 978-84-370-5390-5
  • Lloret, Maria-Rosa (April 2003), "The Phonological Role of Paradigms: The Case of Insular Catalan", written at Amsterdam & Philadelphia, in Auger, Julie; Clements, J. Clancy; Vance, Barbara (eds.), Contemporary Approaches to Romance Linguistics: Selected Papers from the 33rd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages, Language, 83, Bloomington, Indiana: John Benjamins, pp. 275-297, doi:10.1353/lan.2007.0098, ISBN 1588115984
  • Mascaró, Joan (1976), Catalan Phonology and the Phonological Cycle (Doctoral thesis), Massachusetts Institute of Technology
  • Mascaró, Juan (2001), "Compensatory Diphthongization in Majorcan Catalan", in Kreidler, Charles W. (ed.), Phonology: Critical Concepts in Linguistics, Taylor and Francis, pp. 580-593, ISBN 978-0-415-20347-0
  • Padgett, Jaye (2003), Systemic Contrast and Catalan Rhotics, University of California, Santa Cruz
  • Rafel, Joaquim (1981), La lengua catalana fronteriza en el Bajo Aragón meridional. Estudio fonológico, Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona
  • Rafel, Joaquim (1999), Aplicació al català dels principis de transcripció de l'Associació Fonètica Internacional (PDF) (3rd ed.), Barcelona: Institut d'Estudis Catalans, ISBN 84-7283-446-8
  • Recasens, Daniel (1993), "Fonètica i Fonologia", Enciclopèdia Catalana
  • Recasens, Daniel; Fontdevila, Jordi; Pallarès, Maria Dolores (1995), "Velarization Degree and Coarticulatory Resistance for /l/ in Catalan and German", Journal of Phonetics, 23 (1): 37-52, doi:10.1016/S0095-4470(95)80031-X
  • Recasens, Daniel (1996), Fonètica descriptiva del català: assaig de caracterització de la pronúncia del vocalisme i el consonantisme català al segle XX (2nd ed.), Barcelona: Institut d'Estudis Catalans, ISBN 978-84-7283-312-8
  • Recasens, Daniel; Pallarès, Maria Dolors (2001), De la fonètica a la fonologia: les consonants i assimilacions consonàntiques del català, Barcelona: Editorial Ariel, ISBN 978-84-344-2884-3
  • Recasens, Daniel; Espinosa, Aina (2005), "Articulatory, positional and coarticulatory characteristics for clear /l/ and dark /l/: evidence from two Catalan dialects", Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 35 (1): 1-25, doi:10.1017/S0025100305001878
  • Recasens, Daniel; Espinosa, Aina (2007), "An Electropalatographic and Acoustic Study of Affricates and Fricatives in Two Catalan Dialects", Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 37 (2): 143-172, doi:10.1017/S0025100306002829
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  • Wheeler, Max W. (1979), Phonology Of Catalan, Oxford: Blackwell, ISBN 978-0-631-11621-9
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Further reading

  • Recasens, Daniel; Mira, Meritxell (2015), "Place and manner assimilation in Catalan consonant clusters", Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 45 (2): 115-147, doi:10.1017/S0025100315000080

External links


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