| (written Burmese)|
? (spoken Burmese)
|33 million (2007)|
Second language: 10 million (no date)
Official language in
|Regulated by||Myanmar Language Commission|
The Burmese language (Burmese: ?, MLCTS: mranmabhasa, IPA: [mj?mà bàðà]) is a Sino-Tibetan language spoken in Myanmar where it is an official language and the language of the Bamar people, the country's principal ethnic group. Although the Constitution of Myanmar officially recognizes the English name of the language as the Myanmar language, most English speakers continue to refer to the language as Burmese, after Burma, the older name for Myanmar. In 2007, it was spoken as a first language by 33 million, primarily the Bamar (Burman) people and related ethnic groups, and as a second language by 10 million, particularly ethnic minorities in Myanmar and neighboring countries.
Burmese is a tonal, pitch-register, and syllable-timed language, largely monosyllabic and analytic, with a subject-object-verb word order. It is a member of the Lolo-Burmese grouping of the Sino-Tibetan language family. The Burmese alphabet is ultimately descended from a Brahmic script, either Kadamba or Pallava.
Burmese belongs to the Southern Burmish branch of the Sino-Tibetan languages. Burmese is the most widely spoken of the non-Sinitic  Burmese was the fifth of the Sino-Tibetan languages to develop a writing system, after Chinese characters, the Pyu script, the Tibetan alphabet and the Tangut script.
The majority of Burmese speakers, who live throughout the Irrawaddy River Valley, use a number of largely similar dialects, while a minority speak non-standard dialects found in the peripheral areas of the country. These dialects include:
Despite vocabulary and pronunciation differences, there is mutual intelligibility among Burmese dialects, as for the most part, they share the same four tones, consonant clusters and the use of the Burmese script. However, several dialects substantially differ in Burmese with respect to vocabulary, lexical particles, and rhymes.
The standard dialect of Burmese (the Mandalay-Yangon dialect continuum) comes from the Irrawaddy River valley. Regional differences between speakers from Upper Burma (e.g., Mandalay dialect), called anya tha , and speakers from Lower Burma (e.g., Yangon dialect), called auk tha , occur in vocabulary choice, not in pronunciation. Minor pronunciation differences do exist within the Irrawaddy River valley. For instance, for the term "food offering [to a monk]", Lower Burmese speakers use [s?] instead of [s?wá?], which is the pronunciation used in Upper Burma.
The standard dialect is represented by the Yangon dialect because of the modern city's media influence and economic clout. In the past, the Mandalay dialect represented standard Burmese. The most noticeable feature of the Mandalay dialect is its use of the first person pronoun kya.nau [tn?] by both men and women, whereas in Yangon, the said pronoun is used only by male speakers while kya.ma. [tma?] is used by female speakers. Moreover, with regard to kinship terminology, Upper Burmese speakers differentiate the maternal and paternal sides of a family whereas Lower Burmese speakers do not.
Spoken Burmese is remarkably uniform among Burmese speakers, particularly those living in the Irrawaddy valley, who all use variants of Standard Burmese. The first major reason for the uniformity is the traditional Buddhist monastic education system, which encouraged education and uniformity in language throughout the Upper Irrawaddy valley, the traditional homeland of the Bamar people.
According to the 1891 British census conducted five years after the annexation of the entire country, Konbaung Burma had an "unusually high male literacy" rate where 62.5% of age 25 and over in Upper Burma could read and write. The figure would have been much higher if non-Bamars (e.g., Chins, Kachins, etc.) were excluded. For the whole country, the literacy rate was 49% for men and 5.5% for women.
The migration of Burmese speakers of Bamar descent to Lower Burma is relatively recent. As late as the mid-1700s, the Austroasiatic language Mon was the principal language of Lower Burma and the Mon people who inhabited it. After the Burmese-speaking Konbaung Dynasty's victory over the Mon-speaking Restored Hanthawaddy Kingdom in 1757, the shift to Burmese began in Lower Burma. By 1830, an estimated 90% of the population in the region identified themselves as Bamar (and, as such, Burmese speakers) due to the influx from Upper Burma, assimilation, and intermarriage. In the British colonial era, British incentives, particularly geared toward rice production, as well as political instability in Upper Burma, accelerated this migration.
More distinctive non-standard varieties emerge as one moves farther away from the Irrawaddy River valley toward peripheral areas of the country. These varieties include the Yaw, Palaw, Myeik (Merguese), Tavoyan and Intha dialects. Despite substantial vocabulary and pronunciation differences, there is mutual intelligibility among most Burmese dialects. Dialects in Tanintharyi Region, including Palaw, Merguese, and Tavoyan, are especially conservative in comparison to Standard Burmese. The Tavoyan and Intha dialects have preserved the /l/ medial, which is otherwise only found in Old Burmese inscriptions. They also often reduce the intensity of the glottal stop. Myeik has 250,000 speakers while Tavoyan has 400,000.
The most pronounced feature of the Arakanese language of Rakhine State is its retention of the sound, which has become in standard Burmese. Moreover, Arakanese features a variety of vowel differences, including the merger of the ? [e] and ? [i] vowels. Hence, a word like "blood" ? is pronounced [?wé] in standard Burmese and [?wí] in Arakanese.
The literary form of Burmese retains archaic and conservative grammatical structures and modifiers (including particles, markers and pronouns) no longer used in the colloquial form. In most cases, the corresponding grammatical markers in the literary and spoken forms are totally unrelated to each other. Examples of this phenomenon include the following lexical items:
Historically the literary register was preferred for written Burmese on the grounds that "the spoken style lacks gravity, authority, dignity". In the mid-1960s some Burmese writers spearheaded efforts to abandon the literary form, asserting that the spoken vernacular form ought to be used. Some Burmese linguists such as Minn Latt, a Czech academic, proposed moving away from the high form of Burmese altogether. Although the literary form is heavily used in written contexts (literary and scholarly works, radio news broadcasts, and novels), the recent trend has been to accommodate the spoken form in informal written contexts. Nowadays, television news broadcasts, comics, and commercial publications use the spoken form or a combination of the spoken and simpler, less ornate formal forms.
The following sample sentence reveals that differences between literary and spoken Burmese mostly occur in grammatical particles:
|Gloss||The Four Eights Uprising||happen||when||people||measure word||3,000||approximately||die||past tense||plural marker||sentence final|
Spoken Burmese has politeness levels and honorifics that take the speaker's status and age in relation to the audience into account. The particle pa is frequently used after a verb to express politeness. Moreover, Burmese pronouns relay varying degrees of deference or respect. In many instances, polite speech (e.g., addressing teachers, officials, or elders) employs feudal-era third person pronouns or kinship terms in lieu of first and second person pronouns. Furthermore, with regard to vocabulary choice, spoken Burmese clearly distinguishes the Buddhist clergy (monks) from the laity (householders), especially when speaking to or about bhikkhus (monks). The following are examples of varying vocabulary used for Buddhist clergy and for laity :
Burmese primarily has a monosyllabic received Sino-Tibetan vocabulary. Nonetheless, many words, especially loanwords from Indo-European languages like English, are polysyllabic, and others, from Mon, an Austroasiatic language, are sesquisyllabic. Burmese loanwords are overwhelmingly in the form of nouns.
Historically, Pali, the liturgical language of Theravada Buddhism, had a profound influence on Burmese vocabulary. Burmese has readily adopted words of Pali origin because of phonotactic similarities between two languages alongside the fact that the script used for Burmese can reproduce Pali spellings with complete accuracy. Pali loanwords are often related to religion, government, arts, and science.
Burmese loanwords from Pali primarily take four forms:
Burmese has also adapted plenty of words from Mon, traditionally spoken by the Mon people, who until recently formed the majority in Lower Burma. Most Mon loanwords are so well assimilated that they are not distinguished as loanwords as Burmese and Mon were used interchangeably for several centuries in pre-colonial Burma. Mon loans are often related to flora, fauna, administration, textiles, foods, boats, crafts, architecture and music.
As a natural consequence of British rule in Burma, English has been another major source of vocabulary, especially with regard to technology, measurements and modern institutions. English loanwords tend to take one of three forms:
To a lesser extent, Burmese has also imported words from Sanskrit (religion), Hindi (food, administration, and shipping), and Chinese (games and food). Burmese has also imported a handful of words from other European languages such as Portuguese.
Here is a sample of loan words found in Burmese:
Since the end of British rule, the Burmese government has attempted to limit usage of Western loans (especially from English) by coining new words (neologisms). For instance, for the word "television," Burmese publications are mandated to use the term (lit. "see picture, hear sound") in lieu of ?, a direct English transliteration. Another example is the word "vehicle", which is officially ? [j] (derived from Pali) but [ká] (from English car) in spoken Burmese. Some previously common English loanwords have fallen out of usage with the adoption of neologisms. An example is the word "university", formerly jùnìbàs?tì], from English university, now [te?k?ðò], a Pali-derived neologism recently created by the Burmese government and derived from the Pali spelling of Taxila (? Takkas?la), an ancient university town in modern-day Pakistan.
Some words in Burmese may have many synonyms, each having certain usages, such as formal, literary, colloquial, and poetic. One example is the word "moon", which can be ? la? (native Tibeto-Burman), /? [sã?ndà]/[sã?] (derivatives of Pali canda "moon"), or [ dà] (Sanskrit).
The transcriptions in this section use the International Phonetic Alphabet.
The consonants of Burmese are as follows:
The vowels of Burmese are:
|Front||Central||Back||Front offglide||Back offglide|
The monophthongs /e/, /o/, /?/ and /?/ occur only in open syllables (those without a syllable coda); the diphthongs /ei/, /ou/, /ai/ and /au/ occur only in closed syllables (those with a syllable coda). /?/ only occurs in a minor syllable, and is the only vowel that is permitted in a minor syllable (see below).
The close vowels /i/ and /u/ and the close portions of the diphthongs are somewhat mid-centralized ([?, ?]) in closed syllables, i.e. before /?/ and /?/. Thus ? /n?i?/ "two" is phonetically [n] and /t?à?/ "cat" is phonetically [t?à].
Burmese is a tonal language, which means phonemic contrasts can be made on the basis of the tone of a vowel. In Burmese, these contrasts involve not only pitch, but also phonation, intensity (loudness), duration, and vowel quality. However, some linguists consider Burmese a pitch-register language like Shanghainese.
There are four contrastive tones in Burmese. In the following table, the tones are shown marked on the vowel /a/ as an example.
(shown on a)
(shown on a)
|Low||?||[a:]}]||à||normal||medium||low||low, often slightly rising|
|High||[a:]||á||sometimes slightly breathy||long||high||high, often with a fall before a pause|
|Creaky||[a]||a?||tense or creaky, sometimes with lax glottal stop||medium||high||high, often slightly falling|
|Checked||?||[?]||a?||centralized vowel quality, final glottal stop||short||high||high (in citation; can vary in context)|
For example, the following words are distinguished from each other only on the basis of tone:
In syllables ending with //, the checked tone is excluded:
In spoken Burmese, some linguists classify two real tones (there are four nominal tones transcribed in written Burmese), "high" (applied to words that terminate with a stop or check, high-rising pitch) and "ordinary" (unchecked and non-glottal words, with falling or lower pitch), with those tones encompassing a variety of pitches. The "ordinary" tone consists of a range of pitches. Linguist L. F. Taylor concluded that "conversational rhythm and euphonic intonation possess importance" not found in related tonal languages and that "its tonal system is now in an advanced state of decay."
The syllable structure of Burmese is C(G)V((V)C), which is to say the onset consists of a consonant optionally followed by a glide, and the rime consists of a monophthong alone, a monophthong with a consonant, or a diphthong with a consonant. The only consonants that can stand in the coda are /?/ and /?/. Some representative words are:
A minor syllable has some restrictions:
Some examples of words containing minor syllables:
The Burmese alphabet consists of 33 letters and 12 vowels and is written from left to right. It requires no spaces between words, although modern writing usually contains spaces after each clause to enhance readability. Characterized by its circular letters and diacritics, the script is an abugida, with all letters having an inherent vowel ? a. [a?] or [?]. The consonants are arranged into six consonant groups (called based on articulation, like other Brahmi scripts. Tone markings and vowel modifications are written as diacritics placed to the left, right, top, and bottom of letters.
The development of the script followed that of the language, which is generally divided into Old Burmese, Middle Burmese and modern Burmese. Old Burmese dates from the 11th to the 16th century (Pagan and Ava dynasties); Middle Burmese from the 16th to the 18th century (Toungoo to early Konbaung dynasties); modern Burmese from the mid-18th century to the present. Orthographic changes followed shifts in phonology (such as the merging of the [-l-] and [-?-] medials) rather than transformations in Burmese grammatical structure and phonology, which has not changed much from Old Burmese to modern Burmese. For example, during the Pagan era, the medial [-l-] was transcribed in writing, which has been replaced by medials [-j-] ? and [-?-] ? in modern Burmese (e.g. "school" in old Burmese ? [kl] -> ? [t?ã] in modern Burmese). Likewise written Burmese has preserved all nasalized finals [-n, -m, -?], which have merged to [-?] in spoken Burmese. (The exception is [-?], which, in spoken Burmese, can be one of many open vowels [i, e, ?]. Likewise, other consonantal finals [-s, -p, -t, -k] have been reduced to [-?]. Similar mergers are seen in other Sino-Tibetan languages like Shanghainese, and to a lesser extent, Cantonese.)
Written Burmese dates to the early Pagan period. The British colonial period scholars believed that the Burmese script was developed c. 1058 from the Mon script. However, evidence shows that the Burmese script has been in use at least since 1035 (perhaps as early as 984) while the earliest Burma Mon script, which is different from the Thailand Mon script, dates to 1093. The Burmese script may have been sourced from the Pyu script. (Both Mon and Pyu scripts are derivatives of the Brahmi script.) Burmese orthography originally followed a square format but the cursive format took hold from the 17th century when popular writing led to the wider use of palm leaves and folded paper known as parabaiks . Much of the orthography in written Burmese today can be traced back to Middle Burmese. Standardized tone marking was not achieved until the 18th century. From the 19th century onward, orthographers created spellers to reform Burmese spelling, because ambiguities arose over spelling sounds that had been merged. During British colonial rule, Burmese spelling was standardized through dictionaries and spellers. The latest spelling authority named the Myanma Salonpaung Thatpon Kyan , was compiled in 1978 at the request of the Burmese government.
The basic word order of the Burmese language is subject-object-verb. Pronouns in Burmese vary according to the gender and status of the audience. Burmese is monosyllabic (i.e., every word is a root to which a particle but not another word may be prefixed). Sentence structure determines syntactical relations and verbs are not conjugated. Instead they have particles suffixed to them. For example, the verb "to eat," ca: [sà] is itself unchanged when modified.
Burmese does not have adjectives per se. Rather, it has verbs that carry the meaning "to be X", where X is an English adjective. These verbs can modify a noun by means of the grammatical particle tai. [d] in colloquial Burmese (literary form: sau: , which is suffixed as follows:
Adjectives may also form a compound with the noun (e.g. lu hkyau: [lù t?] "person" + "be beautiful").
Numerals follow the nouns they modify. Moreover, numerals follow several pronunciation rules that involve tone changes (low tone -> creaky tone) and voicing shifts depending on the pronunciation of surrounding words. A more thorough explanation is found on Burmese numerals.
The roots of Burmese verbs are almost always suffixed with at least one particle which conveys such information as tense, intention, politeness, mood, etc. Many of these particles also have formal/literary and colloquial equivalents. In fact, the only time in which no particle is attached to a verb is in imperative commands.
The most commonly used verb particles and their usage are shown below with an example verb root ca: [sá] "to eat". Alone, the statement is imperative.
The suffix tai [d] (literary form: sany [ðì] can be viewed as a particle marking the present tense and/or a factual statement:
The suffix hkai.  denotes that the action took place in the past. However, this particle is not always necessary to indicate the past tense such that it can convey the same information without it. But to emphasize that the action happened before another event that is also currently being discussed, the particle becomes imperative. Note that the suffix tai [d] in this case denotes a factual statement rather than the present tense:
The particle ne [nè] is used to denote an action in progression. It is equivalent to the English '-ing'"
This particle pri [bjì], which is used when an action that had been expected to be performed by the subject is now finally being performed, has no equivalent in English. So in the above example, if someone had been expecting the subject to eat and the subject has finally started eating, the particle is used as follows:
The particle mai [m] (literary form: many [mjì] is used to indicate the future tense or an action which is yet to be performed:
The particle ? tau. [d] is used when the action is about to be performed immediately when used in conjunction with . Therefore it could be termed as the "immediate future tense particle".
When ? is used alone, however, it is imperative:
Verbs are negated by the particle ? ma. [m?], which is prefixed to the verb. Generally speaking, other particles are suffixed to that verb, along with ?.
The verb suffix particle nai. [n] (literary form: hnang. [n?] indicates a command:
The verb suffix particle bhu: [bú] indicates a statement:
Nouns in Burmese are pluralized by suffixing the particle twe [dè] (or [tè] if the word ends in a glottal stop) in colloquial Burmese or ? mya: [mjà] in formal Burmese. The particle ? (tou. [to?], which indicates a group of persons or things, is also suffixed to the modified noun. An example is below:
Plural suffixes are not used when the noun is quantified with a number.
Although Burmese does not have grammatical gender (e.g. masculine or feminine nouns), a distinction is made between the sexes, especially in animals and plants, by means of suffix particles. Nouns are masculinized with the following particles: hti: [t?í], ? hpa [p?a?], or hpui [p?ò], depending on the noun, and feminized with the particle ? ma. [ma?]. Examples of usage are below:
Like its neighboring languages such as Thai, Bengali, and Chinese, Burmese uses numerical classifiers (also called measure words) when nouns are counted or quantified. This approximately equates to English expressions such as "two slices of bread" or "a cup of coffee". Classifiers are required when counting nouns, so ? ? hka.le: nga: [klé ?à] (lit. "child five") is incorrect, since the measure word for people yauk [ja] is missng; it needs to suffix the numeral.
The standard word order of quantified words is: quantified noun + numeral adjective + classifier, except in round numbers (numbers that end in zero), in which the word order is flipped, where the quantified noun precedes the classifier: quantified noun + classifier + numeral adjective. The only exception to this rule is the number 10, which follows the standard word order.
Measurements of time, such as "hour," ? "day," or "month," ? do not require classifiers.
Below are some of the most commonly used classifiers in Burmese.
|yauk||[ja]||for people||Used in informal context|
|u:||[?ú]||for people||Used in formal context and also used for monks and nuns|
|pa:||[bá]||for people||Used exclusively for monks and nuns of the Buddhist order|
|hku.||[k]||general classifier||Used with almost all nouns except for animate objects|
|?||lum:||[l]||for round objects|
|?||pra:||[pjá]||for flat objects|
|cu.||[s?]||for groups||Can be [z?].|
The Burmese language makes prominent usage of particles (called ? in Burmese), which are untranslatable words that are suffixed or prefixed to words to indicate the level of respect, grammatical tense, or mood. According to the Myanmar-English Dictionary (1993), there are 449 particles in the Burmese language. For example, ? [sã?] is a grammatical particle used to indicate the imperative mood. While ("work" + particle indicating politeness) does not indicate the imperative, ? ("work" + particle indicating imperative mood + particle indicating politeness) does. Particles may be combined in some cases, especially those modifying verbs.
Some particles modify the word's part of speech. Among the most prominent of these is the particle ? Template:IPAy, which is prefixed to verbs and adjectives to form nouns or adverbs. For instance, the word means "to enter," but combined with ?, it means "entrance" ?. Moreover, in colloquial Burmese, there is a tendency to omit the second ? in words that follow the pattern ? + noun/adverb + ? + noun/adverb, like ?, which is pronounced [?s?a ú] and formally pronounced [?s?a ?õ].
Subject pronouns begin sentences, though the subject is generally omitted in the imperative forms and in conversation. Grammatically speaking, subject marker particles ? [?a?] in colloquial, [?ì] in formal) must be attached to the subject pronoun, although they are also generally omitted in conversation. Object pronouns must have an object marker particle [?ò] in colloquial, [á] in formal) attached immediately after the pronoun. Proper nouns are often substituted for pronouns. One's status in relation to the audience determines the pronouns used, with certain pronouns used for different audiences.
Polite pronouns are used to address elders, teachers and strangers, through the use of feudal-era third person pronouns in lieu of first and second person pronouns. In such situations, one refers to oneself in third person: kya. nau [tn] for men and kya. ma. [tma?] for women, both meaning "your servant", and refer to the addressee as ? min [m] "your highness", ? khang bya: [kmjá] "master, lord" (from Burmese , meaning 'lord master') or ? hrang [?] "ruler/master". So ingrained are these terms in the daily polite speech that people use them as the first and second person pronouns without giving a second thought to the root meaning of these pronouns.
When speaking to a person of the same status or of younger age, nga [?à] "I/me" and nang [n] "you" may be used, although most speakers choose to use third person pronouns. For example, an older person may use ? dau le: [d lé] "aunt" or u: lei: [?ú lé] "uncle" to refer to himself, while a younger person may use either sa: [?á] "son" or ? sa.mi: [mí] "daughter".
The basic pronouns are:
kywan to tui.
kywan ma. tui.
khang bya: tui.
Other pronouns are reserved for speaking with bhikkhus (Buddhist monks). When speaking to a bhikkhu, pronouns like ? bhun: bhun: (from phun: kri: "monk"), ? chara dau [sjàd] "royal teacher", and ? a.hrang bhu.ra: [ pjá] "your lordship" are used depending on their status . When referring to oneself, terms like ta. paey. tau "royal disciple" or da. ka [dà], "donor" are used. When speaking to a monk, the following pronouns are used:
In colloquial Burmese, possessive pronouns are contracted when the root pronoun itself is low toned. This does not occur in literary Burmese, which uses ? [?] as postpositional marker for possessive case instead of [j]. Examples include the following:
The contraction also occurs in some low toned nouns, making them possessive nouns (e.g. ? or ?, "mother's" and "Myanmar's" respectively).
Minor pronunciation differences do exist within regions of Irrawaddy valley. For example, the pronunciation [s?] of "food offering [to a monk]" is preferred in Lower Burma, instead of [s?wã?], which is preferred in Upper Burma. However, the most obvious difference between Upper Burmese and Lower Burmese is that Upper Burmese speech still differentiates maternal and paternal sides of a family:
|Term||Upper Burmese||Lower Burmese||Myeik dialect|
1 The youngest (paternal or maternal) aunt may be called ? [dwé lé], and the youngest paternal uncle [ba? dwé].
In a testament to the power of media, the Yangon-based speech is gaining currency even in Upper Burma. Upper Burmese-specific usage, while historically and technically accurate, is increasingly viewed as[clarification needed], or at best regional speech. In fact, some usages are already considered strictly regional Upper Burmese speech, and are likely to die out. For example:
|Term||Upper Burmese||Standard Burmese|
In general, the male-centric names of old Burmese for familial terms have been replaced in standard Burmese with formerly female-centric terms, which are now used by both sexes. One holdover is the use of (younger brother to a male) and (younger brother to a female). Terms like (elder brother to a male) and (younger sister to a male) now are used in standard Burmese only as part of compound words like ? (brothers) or (brother and sister).
Reduplication is prevalent in Burmese and is used to intensify or weaken adjectives' meanings. For example, if ? [t?] "beautiful" is reduplicated, then the intensity of the adjective's meaning increases. Many Burmese words, especially adjectives with two syllables, such as [l?a?pa?] "beautiful", when reduplicated ( -> [l?a?l?a? pa?pa?]) become adverbs. This is also true of some Burmese verbs and nouns (e.g. "a moment" -> ? "frequently"), which become adverbs when reduplicated.
Some nouns are also reduplicated to indicate plurality. For instance, ? [pjì] "country", but when reduplicated to [?pjì pjì], it means "many countries," as in ? [?pjì pjì s?ã jà] "international". Another example is , which means "a kind," but the reduplicated form means "multiple kinds."
A few measure words can also be reduplicated to indicate "one or the other":
There is no official romanization system for Burmese. There have been attempts to make one, but none have been successful. Replicating Burmese sounds in the Latin script is complicated. There is a Pali-based transcription system in existence, MLC Transcription System which was devised by the Myanmar Language Commission (MLC). However, it only transcribes sounds in formal Burmese and is based on the Burmese alphabet rather than the phonology.
Several colloquial transcription systems have been proposed, but none is overwhelmingly preferred over others.
Transcription of Burmese is not standardized, as seen in the varying English transcriptions of Burmese names. For instance, a Burmese personal name like ? [w] may be variously romanized as Win, Winn, Wyn, or Wynn, while [k?ã] may be romanized as Khaing, Khine, or Khain.
The Burmese script can be entered from a standard QWERTY keyboard, and is supported within the Unicode standard, meaning it can be read and written from most modern computers and smartphones.
Burmese has complex character rendering requirements, where tone markings and vowel modifications are noted using diacritics. These can be placed before consonants (as with ?), above them (as with ?) or even around them (as with ?). These character clusters are built using multiple keystrokes. In particular, the inconsistent placement of diacritics as a feature of the language presents a conflict between an intuitive WYSIWYG typing approach, and a logical consonant-first storage approach.
Since its introduction in 2007, the most popular Burmese font, Zawgyi, has been near-ubiquitous in Myanmar. Linguist Justin Watkins argues that the ubiquitous use of Zawgyi harms Myanmar languages, including Burmese, by preventing efficient sorting, searching, processing and analyzing Myanmar text through flexible diacritic ordering.
Zawgyi is not Unicode-compliant, but occupies the same code space as Unicode Myanmar font. As it is not defined as a standard character encoding, Zawgyi is not built in to any major operating systems as standard. However, allow for its position as the de facto (but largely undocumented) standard within the country, telcos and major smartphone distributors (such as Huawei and Samsung) ship phones with Zawgyi font overwriting standard Unicode-compliant fonts, which are installed on most internationally distributed hardware. Facebook also supports Zawgyi as an additional language encoding for their app and website. As a result, almost all SMS alerts (including those from telcos to their customers), social media posts and other web resources may be incomprehensible on these devices without the custom Zawgyi font installed at the operating system level. These may include devices purchased overseas, or distributed by companies who do not customize software for the local market.
Keyboards which have a Zawgyi keyboard layout printed on them are the most commonly available for purchase domestically.
Until recently, Unicode compliant fonts have been more difficult to type than Zawgyi, as they have a stricter, less forgiving and arguably less intuitive method for ordering diacritics. However, intelligent input software such as Keymagic and recent versions of smartphone soft-keyboards including Gboard and ttKeyboard allow for more forgiving input sequences and Zawgyi keyboard layouts which produce Unicode-compliant text.
A number of Unicode-compliant Burmese fonts exist. The national standard keyboard layout is known as the Myanmar3 layout, and it was published along with the Myanmar3 Unicode font. The layout, developed by the Myanmar Unicode and NLP Research Center, has a smart input system to cover the complex structures of Burmese and related scripts.
In addition to the development of computer fonts and standard keyboard layout, there is still a lot of scope of research for the Burmese language, specifically for Natural Language Processing (NLP) areas like WordNet, Search Engine, development of parallel corpus for Burmese language as well as development of a formally standardized and dense domain-specific corpus of Burmese language.